The March on Rome revisited. Silences, historians and the power of the counter-factual

Department of Italian, University of Bristol

Abstract This historiographical article will argue that the March on Rome (October–November 1922) was the end point of a serious and at that point unique insurrectionary project, which followed three intense years of Fascist violence (where the state had rarely if ever taken on the Fascists, and had often colluded passively or actively with them). It was accompanied by violence and constant threats of further violence, in Rome and across Italy. It was in no way a bluff – but also stood as a warning to all those who still imagined that Fascism could be opposed, on the streets, in parliament, or at the ballot box. The violence hit bystanders, but was also targeted at the private homes of communists, socialists and hated liberals, and at centres of urban resistance in Rome itself. This article will look in detail at the ways historians have understood the March on Rome, and systematically removed the violence from that event, ignored the March itself and played down the role of the squadristi . It will also look at the powerful role of a ‘what if’ counter-factual which has dominated most accounts of the March on Rome to date, with some recent exceptions.

Power (physics)
Historiography
Resistance (ecology)
State (computer science)
Parliament
Bluff
Political science
Law
Event (particle physics)
History
Politics


Le “quasi” due vite del sociologo Camillo Pellizzi

ALMA MATER STUDIORUM Universitˆ di Bologna Dipartimento di Storia Culture CiviltD IBATTITI VIELLA

Università di Torino, Dipartimento di Culture, Politica e Società, Lungo Dora Siena 100, 10153 Torino, Italy

Mariuccia Salvati dedicates the last chapter of the volume to the “almost” two lives of Camillo Pellizzi, the first characterized by militant adherence to fascism, the second by the “pure” study of society. This article mainly deals with this last phase, the phase of maturity, which coincides with the first decades of the second post-war period. The role of sociologist played by Pellizzi, in many ways original and innovative, was however not always recognized and appreciated by the Italian sociological culture which, more generally, supported the irrelevance of sociology in the Fascist period. The article asks some questions about the reasons for this lack of consideration and underlines elements of continuity, as far as the sociological approach is concerned, between the two phases of Pellizzi’s biography.

Militant
Biography
Maturity (psychological)
Period (music)
Sociology
Epistemology
Philosophy
Art history
History
Politics
Political science
Aesthetics
Law


Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

Capitalism
Economics
Investment (military)
Relocation
Productivity
Asset (computer security)
World economy
Economy
Market economy
Political science
Macroeconomics
Law


Sustainable Development, Globalization, Non-antagonistic Development, Philosophical Environmentalism and Endangered Democracy

University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland

In this paper, one discusses the conditions favourable for sustainable development, limitations of it in the social reality and the sense of implementing it everywhere. The author points out that sustainable development has always taken place in nature thanks to the mechanisms of self-regulation and the laws of nature. However, what is new is the idea of sustainable development in the social reality. Balancing inequalities to the end, i.e. until the state of permanent equilibrium of social systems is achieved, leads to stagnation. Because the source of sustainable development is throwing off equilibrium, and stabilization kills development. He also indicates that the idea of sustainable development was not born out of ecological, but economic reasons, and still serves mainly economic, not ecological purposes. It works best in the sphere of the economy. Nevertheless, it is implemented everywhere with a better or worse result, because the world fashion for sustainable development and its mythologization has prevailed. One sees in it a panacea for all social problems. In fact, it is a tool of self-regulation in social systems that ensure the survival of them. There is a feedback loop between sustainable development and globalization. Sustainable development contributes to globalization, and globalization promotes sustainable development. However, only until one reaches some critical moment. Then, globalization begins to hinder sustainable development and eventually makes it unfeasible. The condition for the implementation of sustainable development is the freedom provided by the democratic system. Therefore, it works best in a liberal democracy. Unfortunately, this democracy is already collapsing. It has taken on a caricature form that makes difficult for people to live and for governments to exercise power. Therefore, one replaces it by totalitarian or fascist regimes, which for different reasons gives greater hope for a better functioning of the state. However, totalitarianism limits freedom significantly and fascism, in addition, raises legitimate fear due to negative historical experiences. There is no place for sustainable development in these regimes. That is why many researchers and politicians want to stop fascism and bring about sanitation of democracy with New Enlightenment, New Metanoia, and New Humanism. In such way, they want to enable further sustainable development.

Sustainable development
Panacea (medicine)
Globalization
Economic system
Democracy
Environmentalism
Political science
Economics
Sustainability
Political economy
Ecology
Market economy
Law
Politics


Carol Tomlin
Ericcson T. Mapfumo
Paul C. Mocombe

Leeds University
Leeds Beckett University
West Virginia State University

Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities

In this article, we put forth the argument that globalization represents a Durkheimian mechanicalization of the world via the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism under American hegemony. The latter (America), we conclude, serves as an imperial agent, an empire, seeking to interpellate and embourgeois the masses or multitudes to the juridical framework of the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism, and in the age of capitalist globalization and climate change this is done within the dialectical processes of two forms of fascism or system and social integration: right-wing neoliberalism and identity politics masquerading as cosmopolitanism. Identity constitution within such a society leads to representation without difference of purposive-rationality as all social actors are interpellated and embourgeoised to fulfill their economic role in the social structure with representation, without difference, as the means of generating surplus-value for global capital.

Protestant work ethic
Capitalism
Globalization
Dialectic
Sociology
Identity (music)
Protestantism
Argument (complex analysis)
Politics
Hegemony
Empire
Rationality
Constitution
Political economy
Representation (politics)
Social science
Political science
Epistemology
Law
Aesthetics
Philosophy


Christian democracy as political spirituality: transcendence as transformation—Italian politics, 1942–1953

Luiss University Department of Political Science: Libera Universita Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche, Rome, Italy

Department of Social Sciences and Business, Roskilde University: Roskilde Universitet, Copenhagen, Denmark

Abstract This article deals with the transformation of Catholic politics in Italy between 1942 and 1945 and the emergence of Christian Democracy as the dominant political party in the postwar years. It analyzes how Catholic politicians turned from reactionary critics of democracy to its champion. The article foregrounds a dimension that has not been given sufficient attention in scholarly works on political Catholicism and Christian Democracy, namely the religious content of thought. In the experiences of politicians and thinkers living through Fascism and war, transcendence and spirituality emerged as new markers of certainty that came to re-direct and ground democracy. Our conceptual argument is that Christian Democracy can be understood as a distinct form of “political spirituality,” pace Foucault. The article further shows how this political spirituality became “applied” in a series of ways in the immediate postwar period.

Transcendence (philosophy)
Politics
Democracy
Spirituality
Reactionary
Argument (complex analysis)
Political culture
Champion
Political science
Religious studies
Sociology
Philosophy
Law
Theology


Bodies politic: Burial and reburial in fascist Italy

Department of Political Science, Luiss University, Rome, Italy

Department of Social Sciences and Business, Roskilde University, Roskilde, Denmark

Politics
Power (physics)
History
Perspective (graphical)
Sociology
Ancient history
Political science
Law
Art


"THE FEMALE / NOT FEMALE FACE OF WAR" (BASED ON THE BOOK BY SVTLANA ALEKSIEVYCH "THE WAR DOES NOT HAVE A FEMALE FACE")

Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, Kyiv Ukraine

Науково-дослідний інститут українознавства МОН України

Дніпровський державний університет
внутрішніх справ, м. Дніпро

Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv

In the information space of modern Ukraine, in fact, since the first months of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation in 2022 on the territory of the country, the concept of "female face of war" has been established in the characterization of this war. Nobel laureate S. Aleksievich's book "The War Does Not Have a Female Face is important for conducting a comparative analysis of the experiences of women front-line soldiers during the Second World War and the current Ukrainian-Russian wars. The idea of the book does not contradict the understanding of war as "female", which is highlighted in the text of this intelligence. Soviet historians actually did not take into account the testimonies of women front-line soldiers, which is why the war with German fascism did not have a "female face". It did not appear in the stories of the combatants. It is in this sense that the title of Svitlana Aleksievich's book "The War Does Not Have a Female Face" should be interpreted. The purpose of this intelligence is to conduct an analysis of what happens to women in war and whether there are gender specifics in such events. Within the framework of the announced task, the issue of the "female/non-female face" of war is also resolved. The experience accumulated by the Ukrainian society in the fight against the Russian aggressor during the previous 8 years of the hybrid war and during the period of the full-scale invasion of the territory of Ukraine from February 24, 2022, showed that this war also has a "female face". The gender specificity of experiencing war exists; however, it is not of decisive importance for practical actions in the struggle for freedom and independence. Nevertheless, the study of all the characteristics of this war is an indispensable condition for the creation of a coherent scientifically based picture of this historical event and its truthful coverage. Such intelligence is also important for assessing the prospects of female leadership in Ukraine, in particular, the military.

Face (sociological concept)
Ukrainian
Front line
Spanish Civil War
World War II
First world war
Period (music)
German
Front (military)
History
Gender studies
Political science
Sociology
Law
Ancient history
Art
Social science
Geography
Aesthetics


UNESCO's Tensions Project (1947–1957) on India and Israel: Peace research in an era of decolonization

Department of History University of Groningen  Groningen The Netherlands

Department of History, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands

Abstract In the light of the Second World War, the devastation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and decolonization in Asia, the newly established UN organization for education, science and culture (UNESCO) initiated a global research project in 1947. Its main task was to find out how tensions within and between societies can be explained and tackled to secure peace and social justice. Combining peace history with the global history of social sciences and global intellectual history, this article assesses the design and conduct of the Tensions Project in India and Israel at the crossroads of post‐fascism and post‐colonialism. It finds the reasons for the Project's limited impact in the contradictions between universal knowledge claims and local specificities, its over‐confidence in scientific solutions for social problems, interfering nation‐building in early postcolonial states, the limited comparability of research, and its neglect of political activism.

Decolonization
Political science
Colonialism
Politics
Sociology
Social science
Law
Public administration


Myths of Modernism: Austrian Art after 1918

The development of art in Austria after 1918 remains little explored; the main focus of research continues to be fin‐de‐siècle Vienna. Where interwar Austrian modernism is studied at all, interest is mostly limited to the municipal housing sponsored by the Social Democratic council. The main concern of this essay is to examine the reasons for this inconsistency and comparative neglect. It explores the ways in which the historiography of Austrian post‐war modernism has been informed by wider historical assumptions, about the role of the First World War as a cultural‐political caesura, for instance, or by ambivalence about interwar Austrian history and its slide into fascism, or valorization of the avant‐garde. A comparison is also drawn with accounts of art in interwar Czechoslovakia, where modernist practices are much celebrated since they have assumed a legitimating function for Czech and Slovak culture in the present.

Modernism (music)
Interwar period
Historiography
Politics
Mythology
Weimar Republic
German
Democracy
Ambivalence
Czech
Slovak
Iron Curtain
Art history
Art
Political science
World War II
History
Literature
Cold war
Law
Philosophy


Fascist textbooks for Italian schools abroad

Swinburne Research Bank (Swinburne University of Technology)

The Fascist Regime in Rome conceived of millions of Italians residing abroad as part of the wider Italian nation. The Italianità---the Italian character---was considered an essential component of both Italians at home and abroad. Abroad, the new generations of children of Italian immigrants were the main target of Fascist propaganda, although the majority had never been to Italy and their links to the Italian culture were fading. Fascism tried to obtain their consent through the enrollment in paramilitary organizations---Balilla and Avanguardisti---as well as by the offer of free journeys to Italy to reside in Summer camps. Also, government, parochial, and lay ethnic schools abroad were considered instruments to indoctrinate young Italians. According to the Fascist mindset, these schools had to be aggressive in strategic locations such as Tunisia, Malta, and Egypt. Especially in Tunisia---a French protectorate---schools taught the youngsters about the 'inevitability' of the country's annexation to Italy. Generally speaking, the instructor was conceived as a 'pioneer', a 'soldier', a 'combatant', and a 'missionary'. The preservation of the Italian language was a priority and a major component of the Italian identity of Italian immigrants. The political use of history and the role of propaganda in Fascist textbooks and curricula in Italy have been extensively studied by scholars. This essay aims to analyze the contents, the political messages and values contained in Fascist textbooks published for Italian schools abroad.

Mathematics education
Study abroad
Political science
Pedagogy
Sociology
Psychology


Toward Eradicating the Unbearable: The Dangerous Allure of Fascistic States of Mind

Psychology Psychoanalysis Aesthetics Philosophy


The National Front and environmental politics, 1967–90

Abstract The green entanglements of the inter-war British far right are well-documented. Martin Pugh has drawn attention to the predominantly rural, agricultural support base of the British Union of Fascists. We know that the aspiration to go ‘back to the land’ was deeply enmeshed with a politics of racial hygiene, which equated the urban with miscegenation and the rural with purity. However, in the post-war world, British far-right ecologism has typically been interpreted as a curious anomaly driven by cynical realpolitik. This article contends environmental themes as an intellectual staple of British fascism—running from the interwar far right, through the NF, and into the latter’s largest successor organization, the Flag Group. The Front’s preoccupation with the environment, and its racism, were mutually reinforcing, central pillars of its politics. Its environmentalism was alternately revolutionary and conservative, nostalgic and future oriented.

Politics
Front (military)
Political science
Geography
Meteorology
Law


Feminist Antifascism: Counterpublics of the Common

Bartlett School of Architecture, University College London

Resistance (ecology)
Argument (complex analysis)
Militant
Nothing
Sociology
Public sphere
Politics
Solidarity
Law
Government (linguistics)
Feminist movement
Aesthetics
Individualism
Harassment
Gender studies
Political science
Epistemology
Philosophy


Fruit of Fascist Empire: Bananas and Italian Somaliland

Department of Romance Languages and Literatures, University of Oregon

Somali
Agriculture
Geography
Ancient history
Horticulture
Biology
History
Archaeology


Genuine Fascist Theory or Non-Systematic Conceptualisations of the New Authoritarian Order?

Abstract This article analyses legal texts written by Nikolaos Koumaros that were foundational to the 4th of August regime in Greece. It demonstrates the regime possessed an ideology that did not differ substantially from other authoritarian regimes of the period. In particular, the choice of Koumaros as the central legal theorist of the regime can be explained by his familiarity with anti-liberal theories of the time. His engagement with these theories was linked with his studies in France and Italy during the interwar period, exposing him to fascist ideals. A detailed examination of the conceptual transfers that informed the main legal texts of the regime demonstrated their reasoning followed closely the theoretical developments of the time. Mussolini’s doctrine of fascism and a specific reading of Rousseau functioned as the basis for the legitimisation of a new, anti-liberal political order. These ideas became key analytical pillars of the legal texts that gave shape to the regime’s normative and political foundation, demonstrating that explicit fascist theories informed the political physiognomy of the regime.

Authoritarianism
Ideology
Normative
Politics
Period (music)
Physiognomy
Doctrine
Reading (process)
Order (exchange)
Epistemology
Political philosophy
Sociology
Legal doctrine
Law
Political science
Philosophy
Aesthetics
Democracy
Economics


"It is a new kind of militancy": March on Washington Movement, 1941-1946

Scholarworks (University of Massachusetts Amherst)

This study of the March on Washington Movement (MOWM) investigates the operations of the national office and examines its interactions with local branches, particularly in St. Louis. As the organization's president, A. Philip Randolph and members of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP) such as Benjamin McLaurin and T.D. McNeal are important figures in this story. African American women such as Layle Lane, E. Pauline Myers, and Anna Arnold Hedgeman ran MOWM's national office. Of particular importance to this study is Myers' tenure as executive secretary. Working out of Harlem, she corresponded with MOWM's twenty-six local chapters, spending considerable time espousing the rationale and ideology of Non-Violent Goodwill Direct Action, a trademark protest technique developed and implemented alongside Fellowship of Reconciliation members Bayard Rustin and James Farmer. As a nationally recognized African American protest organization fighting for a "Double V" against fascism and racism during the Second World War, MOWM accrued political capital by the agitation of its local affiliates. In some cases, like in Washington, D.C., volunteers lacked the ability to forge effective protests. In St. Louis, however, BSCP official T.D. McNeal led a MOWM branch that was among the nation's most active. David Grant, Thelma Maddox, Nita Blackwell, and Leyton Weston are some of the thousands joining McNeal over a three-year period to picket U.S. Cartridge and Carter Carburetor for violating the anti-discrimination clause in Executive Order 8802, lobby Southwestern Bell Telephone to expand employment opportunities for African Americans, stage a summer of sit-ins at lunch counters in the city's largest department stores, and lead a general push for a "Double V" against fascism and racism. This study of MOWM demonstrates that the structural dynamics of protest groups often include a discrepancy between policies laid out by the organization's national office and the activity of its local branches. While national officials from MOWM and National Organization for the Advancement of Colored People had an ambivalent relationship with each other, inter-organizational tension was locally muted as grassroots activists aligned themselves with whichever group appeared most effective. During the Second World War, this was often MOWM.

Movement (music)
Political science
Philosophy
Aesthetics


Fossil Memory: Unaltered Narratives of Resistance and Deportation in the Oldest Italian Holocaust and Resistance Museums

Valerio Angeletti
Lorenzo Posocco
Micol Meghnagi

Centre for War Studies , 8797 University College Dublin , Dublin , Ireland

Abstract In Italy, after the victory of Giorgia Meloni’s post-fascist party, “Fratelli d’Italia,” several studies began to discuss whether or not the country has come to terms with the memory of fascism, its role as an inspirer of Nazism, and the collaboration with Nazi Germany in the Holocaust. Especially the latter, scholarly literature pointed out, has failed to receive the attention it deserves. This article argues that this is particularly true with regard to public history, the way historical information and events are interpreted and presented to the general public, and focuses on public museums exhibiting the Holocaust and resistance. Evidence for this article comes from two in-depth case studies regarding the oldest yet unaltered Liberation Museum in Rome and the Museum-Monument to Racial and Political Deportees in the Nazi Lagers in Carpi. The article contends that within these museums, the narration of resistance prevails, whilst evidence of Italy’s past collaborationism remains hidden and unexhibited. In essence, these museums emphasise national heroism and sidestep Italian accountability in the Holocaust.

Deportation
The Holocaust
Resistance (ecology)
Narrative
History
Art
Political science
Literature
Immigration
Archaeology
Law
Biology


Disinformation on COVID‐19 and the war in Ukraine: shared narratives and channels of distribution

Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication

The article studies some of the leading disinformation narratives on COVID‐19 and the war in Ukraine (2021-2022) and their dissemination channels. The study proves that the same disinformation narratives have been used to oppose the COVID‐19 restrictions and vaccines and justify Russian aggression in Ukraine. The research focuses on three leading narratives: genocide/crimes against humanity committed, the policy of nazism/fascism conducted by the authorities, and biological weapons used/experiments performed on people. The study finds that the same actors spread disinformation on both issues using mainly, but not only, social media. The main focus of the dissemination study is on Bulgaria and Central and Eastern Europe, but it also includes examples from other EU countries. Although the official Russian state propaganda pushes these narratives, we find local adjustments and specifics due to specific motivations behind using these narratives. The findings are based on the research provided by six organisations: EUvsDisinfo, EU Disinfo Lab, European Digital Media Observatory (EDMO), #CoronaVirusFacts Alliance, SCIENCE + and Factcheck.bg.

Disinformation
Narrative
Political science
Alliance
Media studies
Social media
Genocide
Sociology
Law
Literature


Fascism's Spatial Imaginary at the Threshold

The Imaginary
Sociology
Psychoanalysis
Psychology


Eisenstein's <i>Capital</i> Diaries: An Introduction


Political Mutations in Present-Day Russia

Ilya Budraitskis
Ilya Matveev
Alexei Yurchak
Zachary Hicks

Ilya
Authoritarianism
Ideology
Politics
Opposition (politics)
Political science
Political economy
Democracy
Sociology
Economic history
Law
History
Genealogy


Hermanas de labor contra la guerra, la intervención militar y el fascismo: La Unión Laborista de Mujeres en Cuba, 1930-1938

Kenia Santa Herrera Izquierdo
Abubacar Fofana León

conectado directamente con las reacciones contra la dictadura de Gerardo Machado Morales (1929-1933). El presente artículo argumenta que en tiempos de la gran crisis económica, las acciones políticas de la ULM se produjeron en medio de un amplio y heterogéneo movimiento social y político contra el "machadato,"

el fascismo: La Unión Laborista de Mujeres en Cuba, 1930-1938 104 Feminista

Introducción La Unión Laborista de Mujeres (ULM),

el fascismo: La Unión Laborista de Mujeres en Cuba, 1930-1938 Entremons. UPF

el fascismo: La Unión Laborista de Mujeres en Cuba, 1930-1938 100

su líder histórica Ofelia Domínguez Navarro han encontrado espacio en análisis historiográficos que abordan el intenso período revolucionario en Cuba de principios de la década de 1930,

tomos (La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 2013); y, El diplomático, el coronel y la mula dócil de Columbia (La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 2016)

La Habana: Editorial Universitaria, 1966);

Algunas de las obras y autores incluyen: Julio Le Riverend Brusone, La República. Dependencia y Revolución (

The Women’s Labor Union was a women’s organization created in May 1930 to which all women could belong without distinction of race, class or belief, willing to fight for a broad program of demands beyond the limits of feminism. They stood out for their active participation in the fight against the dictatorship of Gerardo Machado, and also for their adherence to the revolutionary process of the 1930’s. Due to their political activities, many of its members suffered persecution, imprisonment, and exile. The Cuban lawyer Ofelia Domínguez Navarro, who is considered the first female notary public in Cuba, participated in this historical-revolutionary process. Ofelia, stood out as a leader of the Women’s Labor Union advocating for the rights of Cuban women, fighting against Machado oppression, and working in a variety of activities of national and international interest. The objective of this article is to offer an analysis of the performance of this Women’s Labor Union during the anti-Machadist struggle in the early 1930’s, and the political actions of this organizations against the war and fascism as well as to present some considerations about the political actions of Ofelia Domínguez Navarro, and of some of her comrades of work and action.

Persecution
Oppression
Dictatorship
Politics
Imprisonment
Humanities
Political science
Gender studies
Sociology
Law
Art
Democracy


Theories of Antifascism in the Interwar Mediterranean Part II

The current proliferation of authoritarianism across both core and periphery is one political articulation of the current crisis of the capitalist world-system. Authoritarianism similarly proliferated in previous periods of crisis, in the 1970s and 1980s in the peripheries, and in the 1930s and 1940s in the core. In Part I of this essay, I detail how world-systems analysts have long been attuned to describing and analyzing chaotic moments in between systemic cycles of hegemony, but less attention has been given to the rise of authoritarianism in these chaotic phases. The multiple crises of hegemonic transition engenders an ideological contestation between Fascism and Communism revealing the limitations of Liberalism, the foundational ideology of the world-system. In such periods of hegemonic breakdown, anarchists developed autonomous strategies of resisting authoritarian rule at both the point of production (the worker-occupied and self-managed workplace) and at the point of leisure (the autonomous zone of the infoshop or café as resources and interventions in the joint struggle against capitalism and authoritarianism. These theories are important to recover for the contemporary fight against a resurgent authoritarianism across the world-system in the current conjuncture.

Authoritarianism
Hegemony
Ideology
Capitalism
Political economy
Articulation (sociology)
Politics
Sociology
Political science
Economic system
Economics
Democracy
Law


Transformation of the Historical Narratives of the Second World War and the Decommunisation of Memory Policy in Ukraine

Institute for Cultural Research of the National Academy of Arts of Ukraine

Australian Journal of Politics & History

Transformation (genetics)
Narrative
World War II
Historical memory
History
Political science
Literature
Philosophy
Art
Humanities
Biology
Law
Genetics


'Immanentizing the Eschaton': Eric Voegelin, Hans Kelsen, and the Debate over Secular Religion

University of Toronto - Faculty of Law/Department of Philosophy

Secularism
Philosophy
Secularity
Religious studies
Secularization
Secular state
Theology
Political science
Law
Islam
Politics


Commemorating the Fascist Empire: The Public Memory of Rodolfo Graziani in Modern Italy

European University Institute, Florence, Italy

History, British School at Rome, Roma, Italy

Colonialism
Censorship
History
World War II
Persecution
Spanish Civil War
Empire
Ancient history
Law
Political science
Politics


Politics
Ideology
State (computer science)
Diversity (politics)
Nationalism
Political science
Normative
Law
Scope (computer science)
Sociology
Law and economics


The galaxy of the ‘silent majority’: committees, public figures and ideas of order in Italy from 1968 into the 1970s

Order (exchange)
History
Galaxy
Political science
Genealogy
Astronomy
Physics
Business


Theorising an Omnipresent Concept. Memory as a Thickening Factor of Populism

Department of Journalism and New Media, Collegium Civitas

Within various fields of social sciences, populism is being constantly re-conceptualised to create a possibly most holistic definition of the phenomenon, one which would encompass all of its structural features and allow it to be applied to the largest number of empirical manifestations. Nonetheless, across different disciplines a growing consensus gains traction to define populism through the framework of ideology. As such, populism is understood as possessing a capability to attach itself to more powerful ideological concepts – nationalism, socialism, fascism. Thus, the central question in the study of populism as ideology needs to focus on the mechanics of strengthening populism in a given case. What makes one populism more radical than another? Using Freeden’s ideational approach and Mudde’s work on factors influencing intensity and efficiency of populism, this paper argues that the perception of the past in a given community, constructed through collective memory policies and expressed by means of historical revisionism, works as a ‘thickening agent’ fostering electoral success and increasing political durability of populist governance. Although seeking to create primarily a theoretical contribution, it will also encompass evidence of that modality from studying collective memory policies under Poland’s Law and Justice Party rule between 2015 and 2019.

Populism
Thickening
Factor (programming language)
Political science
Psychology
Epistemology
Positive economics
Sociology
Philosophy
Economics
Politics
Computer science
Law


The Russian World: A Version of Aggressive Ethnophyletism

Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe

The current paper deals with religious nationalism as a challenge in the Orthodox Church, especially following the 19th and early 20th-century formation of Balkan nation-states. This issue ties the Church closely with national identity, strengthening ethnocultural bonds and state relations, leading to national Churches that prioritize national revival over salvation in Christ. This phenomenon, called phyletism, has created heretical divisions within the Church. An aggressive version of Ethnophyletism the so-called "Russian World", which initially was focused on cultural influence after the collapse of USSR. Under Vladimir Putin, it evolved to justify protecting Russian compatriots abroad, supported by figures like Alexander Dugin and Patriarch Kirill, aligning with Putin’s policy emphasizing Russia's unique civilizational identity. Kirill’s endorsement marks a significant shift, with the Church supporting war and imperialist ambitions, paralleling 21st-century ethnophyletism akin to Nazism and fascism. Orthodox theologians globally condemned this ideology as heretical in a declaration on March 13, 2022, emphasizing Christ’s authority and Gospel centrality, rejecting ecclesiastical language to justify violence. The paper urges formal condemnation by the Church's synodal level, calling global Christianity, particularly Orthodox Churches, to denounce Moscow’s doctrine as a moral and canonical duty.


Оpposition of historical narratives in the drama: Ukrainian optics (based on the play by Ihor Yuzyuk “There under the black forest... Banderado”)

Borys Grinchenko Kyiv Metropolitan University

LITERARY PROCESS methodology names trends

In the article, Ihor Yuzyuk’s play “There under the black forest... Banderado” is analyzed from the standpoint of various historical and ideological narratives regarding the movement of the Ukrainian national liberation resistance. The playwright uses the conceptual metaphor “banderado” (Spanish “flag bearers”) in the title of the work, and reproduces it in the content characteristics of its individual parts (a total of 8 banderado inserts with different plots about the individual heroism of Ukrainians from the Cossacks to the first post-Soviet years). Therefore, Yuzyuk’s drama can be considered as a meaningful narrative polemic with Oles Gonchar’s novel “The Standard Bearers”, because Gonchar interprets the role of Ukrainian soldiers as an organic segment of the Soviet army, which liberated European countries from Hitler’s fascism, but brought Stalin’s socialism there with bayonets. The phonetic consonance of the concept “banderado” with the surname of one of the leaders of the Ukrainian national liberation movement unfolds the discourse of Stepan Bandera himself, who does not become a direct character of the play, but is constantly mentioned in its dialogues. Ihor Yuzyuk shows how both totalitarian regimes — both Hitler’s and Stalin’s — tried to use and compromise Bandera and his supporters, how they used the “colonial army” of Ukrainians in their interests and did not pay attention to the colossal human losses, because “they are not counted, they are counted”. Considering the Ukrainian territory as a multi-front zone, which during the Second World War was on the brink of two totalitarian regimes, the playwright seeks to create new narratives both of the war itself and of the Ukrainian national liberation resistance. Every new play about Bandera will be relevant now, because since the beginning of the full-scale Russian aggression, the very name of Stepan Bandera has become for Ukrainians a symbol of unity, joint resistance and a sign of liberation from the hypnosis of a blurred psychedelic identity.

Ukrainian
Drama
Narrative
Ideology
Metaphor
History
Socialism
Literature
Colonialism
Spanish Civil War
Sociology
Political science
Law
Art
Politics
Philosophy
Archaeology
Linguistics


Teaching Against Omnipotence: Mussolini's Racial Laws and the Ethics of Memory in Times of Neofascism

Education in the College of Liberal Arts University of New Hampshire

Education in the College of Liberal Arts, University of New Hampshire

Omnipotence
Sociology
The Holocaust
Law
Conscience
Colonialism
Humanism
Obligation
Political science
Philosophy
Theology


The Arts of Antifascist Black Transnationalism during the Spanish Civil War

Transnationalism
Spanish Civil War
Ideology
Biography
The arts
Resistance (ecology)
Harlem Renaissance
Argument (complex analysis)
Art history
Gender studies
Art
Sociology
History
Humanities
Politics
Political science
Performance art
Law
Visual arts


Mussolini between Hero Worship and Demystification: Exemplary Anecdotes,<i>Petite Histoire</i>, and the Problem of Humanization

Comparative Studies in Society and History

Abstract Mussolini is considered in this article as a figure around whom narratives have been developed for a century or more. Several biographies were published shortly after he came to power and many others have appeared in the decades since his death in 1945. This article explores the place of anecdotes in the construction of a legendary Mussolini in the 1920s and in the demystification that marked the period after World War Two. It is shown that early biographies were marked not only by hero worship but also by a commercially driven need to humanize and to amuse. After the war, humanization persisted as former Fascists and associates of Mussolini spread stories and anecdotes that made the dictator appear not as an evil tyrant but as a flawed and fallible human being. The agenda here was to make support for Fascism and its leader forgivable. A comparison of the anecdotes shows that both adulatory and demystificatory ones reserved a place for minor stories or petite histoire. The resulting image, which placed some emphasis on his sex life, proved influential. It presented a challenge to historians and found its way into the biographical films that were made for cinema and television between the 1970 and the 2000s. It is suggested that, via anecdotes, Mussolini occupied an ambiguous and continuous place in the moral universe of Italians, functioning variously as a political and a gender exemplar.

HERO
Dictator
Worship
Power (physics)
Narrative
Movie theater
Politics
Patriotism
Emperor
History
Literature
Sociology
Art
Law
Ancient history
Political science


Nationalism, Italy and the Exhibition of the Holocaust: Findings of a Study on the Recently built Museums of Campagna and San Donato

Lorenzo Posocco
Valerio Angeletti
Micol Meghnagi

Centre for War Studies , 8797 University College Dublin , Dublin , Ireland

Abstract In recent years, Italy has seen a proliferation of Holocaust Museums and Memorials. This article focuses on two recent additions: the Museum of the Twentieth Century and the Shoah in San Donato Val di Comino (Frosinone), and the Memory and Peace Museum Giovanni Palatucci Study Center in Campagna (Salerno). It uses qualitative methods including in-depth interviews, direct observation, analysis of information panels, other audio and visual elements, and is guided by a theoretical framework rooted in theories of nationalism. The research findings show that these museums present an overly positive narrative of Italy’s role in the Holocaust lacking critical examination and perpetuating the myth of the “good Italian” already identified by other scholars. The museums emphasize favourable conditions for Jewish internees without considering factual evidence that could have provided a more balanced perspective. Additionally, they fail to acknowledge Italian collaboration with Nazi Germany, both, at the exhibition sites and elsewhere. Both museums highlight a Christian salvific narrative, stressing the role of Christian Italians saving Jews, and perpetuating stereotypes of Jews as passive victims. Additionally, Jews are excluded from the notion of “Italianness” and portrayed as “others.” Also, fascism is excluded, deemed incompatible with the idealized Italian Christian civilization proposed by the museums.

Exhibition
The Holocaust
Nationalism
Art
Art history
History
Visual arts
Sociology
Political science
Law
Politics


From History‐writing to (Hi)story‐telling: Historical Novel, Alternate/Counterfactual History and Implicit Uchrony

University of Salerno Salerno Italy
Email: [email protected]
University of Salerno, Salerno, Italy

Abstract The main aim of this article is to reconstruct the evolutions and the political implications of the Italian historical novel between the nineteenth and twenty‐first centuries. The starting hypothesis is that the historical novel has always performed a vicarious function with respect to traditional historiography. In the Italian case, in particular, the canon of the historical novel has progressively lost the apologetic function it had during the Risorgimento, turning into an instrument of indirect criticism of Italian society after 1861. At the turn of the twentieth and twenty‐first centuries, the historical novel had a new editorial fortune, thanks to authors such as Umberto Eco, Valerio Evangelisti, Luther Blissett, Giancarlo De Cataldo, Giuseppe Genna, Tiziano Scarpa and Wu Ming, becoming a very fertile field of historical analysis on the transition from the First to the Second Republic. Finally, thanks to Antonio Scurati, the author of M. Il figlio del secolo , M. L'uomo della provvidenza , and M. Gli ultimi giorni dell'Europa , the historical‐documentary‐novel has become a perfect tool for a critical analysis of collective memory in Italy. The thesis of this article is that Scurati manages to rediscuss the ways and forms of the historical memory of fascism because he uses an innovative form of counterfactual narration: the implicit uchrony.

Historiography
Counterfactual thinking
Narrative
History
Politics
Transition (genetics)
Literature
Criticism
Humanities
Narrative history
Function (biology)
Art
Philosophy
Epistemology
Law
Political science


The Problem of the Revolution in Gramsci (Between Kant and Marx)

Reconstructing the evolution of Gramsci’s judgement about the Russian Revolution implies an overall rethinking of his own relation to Marx as well as to Kant. Already in the spring of 1917, Gramsci foresaw that the February Revolution could become a proletarian revolution and that this would realise in fact Kant’s moral: only a society completely freed from oppression and exploitation would allow people to be free and autonomous. After the fall of the Winter Palace, Gramsci wrote that the revolution happened “against Marx’s Capital”, or better, against its literal interpretation as spread by the positivistic Marxism of the Second International. Between the end of the 1910s and the beginning of the 1920s, Gramsci thought it possible for Italy and the whole of Europe “to do as in Russia”; yet, from 1924, he started elaborating a different vision of the revolution in the Western World, which in the Prison Notebooks became a contraposition between a war of movement and a war of position. At the same time, he developed the concepts of caesarism/bonapartism and passive revolution which allowed the analysis of phenomena such as americanism and fascism from the perspective of a conservative modernisation, or revolution without a revolution. Still, and most of all, Gramsci developed the concept of hegemony, highlighting the importance of the moment of consensus in the fight for gaining and maintaining power. This drew Gramsci quite far from the marxism-leninism of his time, both from the political and theoretical point of view; for instance, he rejected the “ingenuous realism” of Lenin’s Materialism and Empiriocriticism in favour of a phenomenalism explicitly drawn by Kant.

Hegemony
Proletariat
Marxist philosophy
Sociology
Power (physics)
Politics
Law
Philosophy
Epistemology
Political science


The Useful Enemy: War Conflicts in Documentary Film through Selected Examples

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska sectio F – Historia

Documentary films about conflicts are perceived not so much as historical films as propaganda films. This is often the case even against the intentions of their authors. It is difficult to break away from already deeply ingrained patterns of thought: the way in which the narrative is conducted and ready-made patterns of representation are incorporated into accounts of reality. We refer to the category of struggle, we use opposites to define our own position. An outstanding example of this strategy is the Why We Fight series by Frank Capra and Anatole Litvak pitting free nations (Allies) against slave nations (Germany, Japan). In the post-war document, the negative reference point was primarily fascism. Since the 1990s (the war in former Yugoslavia), films describing conflicts have again pitted nations against each other. Over the last century, documentary cinema narrating wars has improved its technique. The narrative and the ways of arguing one’s case have not become particularly enriched. At the same time, film archives are becoming more widely available. Filmmakers find in them arguments for their constructions of thought. The danger of misusing archive material and constructing a black-and-white picture of reality was noticed just after World War II. In recent film productions, however, we find examples of both the conscious and responsible use of archives and the avoidance of easy juxtapositions.

Narrative
Adversary
Movie theater
Representation (politics)
White (mutation)
History
Aesthetics
Media studies
Sociology
Political science
Literature
Law
Art
Art history
Politics
Computer science


Liberal or lost? How political education and social media shape the ideological maze of students

Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Pembangunan Nasional “Veteran” Jakarta

The ideological orientation and political attitudes of students are influenced by formal political education and exposure to social media; however, the interaction between these two factors in shaping ideological coherence, flexibility, and complexity remains underexplored. This study employs Patrick H. O’Neil’s theoretical framework to analyze the spectrum of political ideologies beyond the traditional left-right dichotomy. Using a descriptive comparative quantitative method, a survey involving 200 political science and non-political science students. The research reveals that political education does not always foster ideological consistency but rather enhances ideological diversity and flexibility. Political science students exhibit moderate ideological diversity, demonstrating openness to a broad spectrum of ideologies, including fascism and communism, particularly in discussions about corruption, the military, and political parties. However, this diversity does not correlate with a stronger inclination toward liberalism. In contrast, non-political science students display slightly higher ideological consistency, with a predominant leaning toward social democracy. While social media facilitates incidental exposure to political discourse, its role in driving ideological transformation appears limited. Furthermore, this study challenges the classic assumption that structured political education inherently promotes liberal attitudes, underscoring the need for an adaptive educational framework that accounts for the complexities of political engagement in the digital era.

Ideology
Political education
Politics
Sociology
Liberal education
Social media
Gender studies
Political science
Higher education
Law
Liberal arts education


Nae Ionescu’s 1938 Legionary Phenomenon: A “Missing Link” between Evola and Dugin

Little has been written about the recently translated Legionary Phenomenon (Italian, 1998; English, 2022) by Romanian Legionary ideologue Nae Ionescu. Almost nothing exists in English. The present article demonstrates that the text is consciously patterned after Julius Evola’s Revolt Against the Modern World (1934) and thus constitutes an as yet unrecognized part of the corpus of fascist Integral Traditionalism. When the text was published in 1940 and republished in 1963, it was proposed as the basis for a “Legionary doctrine.” Yet its late appearance relative to important Legionary texts like Corneliu Zelea Codreanu’s Nest Leader’s Manual and For My Legionaries makes it uncertain how much influence the text might have had on the Legionary movement during the interwar period. Ultimately, the text may be most significant for its impact not on the interwar Legionary movement, but on subsequent and contemporary fascist ideologies, such as Aleksandr Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism. This article places Legionary Phenomenon in an intellectual history between Evola and Dugin, disrupting many analyses of Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism with evidence that certain ideological innovations attributed to him in fact belong to Ionescu and revealing the similarities of Dugin’s ideological output to Legionary Romanian fascism. Although these topics are not explored here, it likewise impacts the study of Ionescu’s philosophical and theological corpus, and has implications for the theory of religion of Ionescu’s student and friend, Mircea Eliade.

Ideology
Phenomenon
Doctrine
Literature
Romanian
Nothing
History
Philosophy
Classics
Religious studies
Politics
Theology
Epistemology
Art
Law
Linguistics
Political science


Ideology
Politics
Scholarship
Law
Racism
Foreign policy
Political science
Sociology
Political economy
Criminology
Gender studies


The Fascist view of the ‘<i>allogeni</i>’ in the border regions

The Fascist policy towards linguistic minorities has sometimes been compared to that practised in the colonies, using the categories of racism and internal colonialism. According to some interpretations, Fascism considered members of minorities as something foreign, potentially hostile, if not actually inferior, starting from a clear dividing line between who could be considered Italian and who not. It has also been argued that the ‘allogeni’ were the first targets of radical measures to exclude them from Italian citizenship, the forerunners of the later racist laws implemented against colonial subjects and Jews. This article has three aims: to verify whether severe discriminatory actions really were taken against members of linguistic minorities with regard to citizenship rights; to understand whether these persons were perceived as completely alien to the nation on the basis of clear, shared demarcation lines between those who could consider themselves Italian and those who could not; and, finally, to determine whether the view of such minorities was always radically negative and disdainful to the extent that it could justifiably be called racism. The analysis of forms of representation focuses in particular on the German-speaking population of South Tyrol, using various sources (newspapers, institutional correspondence, political speeches, literary accounts). The answer to the first question posed is negative; as regards the other two, in the first place there is a considerable degree of uncertainty on the part of the Fascists in defining the members of the German-speaking minority, who were sometimes presented as being completely outside the perimeter of Italianità, i.e. Italianness, while more often as being on the margins but undoubtedly capable of integration thanks to their unshakably Italian core. This seems to reveal a certain difficulty in defining who could be considered Italian and who could not when clearly drawing the boundaries of Italianness. Secondly, judgements were made about the South Tyroleans that were in no way characterized by a lack of appreciation or by contempt. The descriptions of the South Tyrolean peasant are, to say the least, flattering: full of exaggerated praise for his many virtues, from his religiosity to his obedience to institutions, from his strong ties to the land to his conservatism. The views regarding the Slovenian and Croatian-speaking populations of Venezia Giulia and Istria were very different, expressing and amplifying the most scornful stereotypes of anti-Slavism developed during the national struggles of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Citizenship
German
Colonialism
Racism
Politics
Representation (politics)
Sociology
Newspaper
Population
Law
Political science
Gender studies
Linguistics
Philosophy


German Influence and the Creation of Ukrainian Nationalist Organizations in 1920–1940

The article reflects the process of influence of the German special services on the formation of numerous Ukrainian nationalist organizations. With the coming to power of Hitler, the ties of the OUN with the fascists are strengthening, while the leaders of the Ukrainian nationalists widely advertise not only their practical cooperation with fascism, but also their spiritual kinship with it. The Berlin center of the OUN becomes the body coordinating its work against the USSR. The establishment of Soviet power in Western Ukraine led to the defeat of the OUN, the leaders and most active members of nationalist organizations were forced to flee to the territory occupied by Germany, where the Germans created the most privileged position for them. The Germans began to use Ukrainian nationalists in conducting political and administrative events in occupied Poland. At the same time, measures are being taken to train military personnel from among the Ukrainian nationalists, espionage-terrorist and sabotage-insurgent activities are being intensified in case of intervention by the USSR. With the direct participation and assistance of the German command, Ukrainian nationalist-minded youth are trained in various military schools, training centers of the Abwehr. Under the patronage of Germany, the Ukrainian Uniate Greek Catholic Church operates in the General Government, which was used as a tribune through which nationalism was propagandized. Her plans included the unification of churches and the expansion of her influence not only in Ukraine, but also in the long term in the whole of Russia. A great influence on the Ukrainian population was exerted by various Ukrainian institutions and schools, where the Ukrainian nationalist ideology was formed.

Ukrainian
Nationalism
German
Political science
Politics
Population
Power (physics)
Economic history
Sociology
Law
History
Demography


Walter Benjamin, Antonio Gramsci and the Problem of Elitist Traditions

Research Online (University of Wollongong)

The article sheds light on Walter Benjamin’s and Antonio Gramsci’s treatments of elitist traditions. It provides a historical contextualization and brief comparison of the theoretical and political developments of the two contemporaries under this aspect. In the Origin of the German Trauerspiel (1924/25), Benjamin’s historical-philosophical aesthetics are enriched by a history of concepts which increasingly takes up socio-historical aspects. This approach goes beyond Benjamin’s programmatic formulations at the beginning of the 1920s, in which he regarded the work of art as a privileged medium of historical insight that, in theory and method, had to be isolated from history. As for Gramsci, the article elaborates an increasing mediation between social and literary history. This is done, on the one hand, by comparing Gramsci’s statements on Italian Futurism between 1913 and 1922 and, on the other hand, by tracing and examining Gramsci’s criticism of Benedetto Croce’s assessment of the reasons leading to World War I in his History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century (1932) in the Prison Notebooks (Quaderno 10). Despite their differences, the examination of these developments in Benjamin and Gramsci shows three common features in their works of the 1930s: Firstly, both of them change their relation to radical democratic, Jacobin traditions. Secondly, they both display an increasingly historical understanding of concepts of literary intelligence under the aspect of their relationship to the reading public. Thirdly, this understanding led both of them to analyze the rise of fascism in Italy and Germany with regard also to ‘elitist traditions’ in which intellectuals distance themselves from the public for various reasons and motives, but with the consequence that an understanding of their participation in discourses and traditions becomes impossible.

Epistemology Sociology Philosophy History


Closets and Mirrors: First-Wave Feminist Translators, Nonauthorship, and the Fascist State

Department of Italian Studies, Yale University

Politics
Agency (philosophy)
Argument (complex analysis)
Feminism
Sociology
State (computer science)
Publishing
Craft
Censorship
Literary criticism
Gender studies
Aesthetics
Literature
Art
Law
Political science
Social science
Visual arts


A Fascist Tango in Argentina: Exhibiting <i>Novecento Italiano</i> in Buenos Aires, 1930

Exhibition
Art
Painting
Art history
Humanities


Intellectuals in Search of Salvation: Ideological Virtuosi of the XX Century — A Historical and Sociological Perspective

The article is devoted to the problem of studying the activities of revolutionary and ideological virtuosi of the XX century by means of the historical sociology of modernity. It attempts both to identify the main trends in the participation of intellectually active strata of modern societies in the radical transformation of social reality, and to clarify the reasons that pushed them to do so. It is noted that the ideological background of such forms of socio-political radicalism were the symbolic means of challenging the old forms of social reality and constructing new forms through secular ideologies of various types (socialism, communism, anarcho-syndicalism, fascism, national socialism, etc.). The role of conductors of the ideological message of these secular religions of salvation to the masses was usually performed by radical-minded intellectuals and students, for whom the worship of new idols and symbols of faith became the true meaning of life and struggle. In the XX century, it was the intellectuals who acted as the main creators and operators of collective salvation religions, and the social communities created on their basis. Moreover, they not only tried to save themselves with their help, but at the same time laid claim to the legitimate monopoly of determining who would be saved, and who would not. Thus, radical intellectuals acted as both the creators of the new norm and as agents of the policy of rationalization. The article pays special attention to the characteristics of the creators and social carriers of radical ideological views - and the worldviews based on them - as well as the refraction of these utopian visions in the socio-political practice of the last century. In conclusion, it is suggested that Max Weber's historical sociology and Emile Durkheim's symbolic theory of the "sacred", supplemented by modern developments in the field of political sociology and socio-historical anthropology, can serve as a relevant system of theoretical coordinates for the study of ideological and revolutionary virtuosi of the XX century.

Ideology
Perspective (graphical)
Sociology
Sociological imagination
Epistemology
Social science
Philosophy
Politics
Political science
Art
Law


Fascist uses of conspiracy theories: alienation, anxiety, and false concreteness in the critical political theory of Franz Neumann

School of Global Urban and Social Studies, RMIT, Melbourne, Australia

Alienation
Critical theory
Politics
Epistemology
Sociology
Political philosophy
Democracy
Concreteness
Autocracy
Positive economics
Philosophy
Political science
Law
Economics


Neo-modern vs retrospective non/pre-modern in the battle for Enlightenment

Харківський національний університет імені В. Н. Каразіна

Filosofiya osvity Philosophy of Education

The article is devoted to the understanding of the war waged by russia against Ukraine in the context of enlightenment projections of post(non/pre)modern. The article reveals a nihilistic orientation towards (self)destruction of the simulacrum of the russian empire, which was formed in the situation of post(non/pre) modernity, which created a certain fork between the (post)modern perspective and the retrospective fall into premodern barbarism. From this point of view, the war against Ukraine unleashed by the putin regime is seen as a clash between the (post)modern perspective chosen by Ukraine and the retrospective of the barbaric (post)non-/pre-modern imperialism that russia has chosen. It is emphasized that (post(under))modern trajectories of development, and in particular war, reveal certain failures of the modern/enlightenment project, which took place in the compatibility of three mediations: monetary/market, discursive/communicative, sexual/erotic. russian authorities and propaganda demonstrate the pre-modern rejection of these mediations, deny the referentiality of language and communicative discourse, devalue market freedom and sexual freedoms, and destroy any distinction. Thus, the destructive barbarism that manifests itself in russian aggression is the embodiment of the retrospective nature of the impulse non/pre, whose negative logic tends to Nothing. Thus, it is a post(non/pre)modern incarnation of archaism in (schizo)fascism, characterized by internal divisions and the practice of external division, fueled by the movement of return / repetition. It is noted that the choice of civilization requires not only resistance to any manifestations of (non/pre)modern barbarism, but also requires the actualization of neomodern. Focused mainly on high-quality consumption and spectacles Western civilization should recognize the need to defend itself with the help of an army/force against the threat of its destruction by barbarians and assert itself not through the constant narrowing of its own borders, but through their radical opening, not through the constant postponement of decisions, but through immediate acceptance of the challenge to its being.

Barbarism
Enlightenment
Civilization
Modernity
Empire
Aesthetics
History
Law
Ancient history
Philosophy
Political science
Epistemology


VALERII SHEVCHUK’S STORY “THE PLAGUE” (“MOR”) AND ALBERT CAMUS’ NOVEL “THE PLAGUE”: MATCHES IN THE CONTEXT OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF EXISTENTIALISM

Академічний журнал Слово і Час

T.H. Shevchenko Institute of Literature of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

The paper provides a comparative analysis of V. Shevchuk’s story “The Plague” and A. Camus’ novel “The Plague,” tracing both the common and differing features of the works in terms of worldviews, philosophical ideas, and poetics. The main focus is on the writers’ reception of ideas characteristic of existentialist philosophy, the affinity of the issues raised (such as absurdity, choice, sacrifice, suffering, duty, revolt, freedom, and limit situations), and the system of images (namely characters, cities, and the plague). Both works combine historical, philosophical, and allegorical elements at the genre and content levels. However, a chronicle approach and a specific historical context are more pronounced in Camus’ novel “The Plague,” while V. Shevchuk’s story is based more on mystical and unreal elements, reflecting his dominant idiostyle known as neo-baroque poetics. The images in the works of A. Camus and V. Shevchuk are related and grounded in the philosophical ideas of existentialism, particularly the idea of choice. The heroes of both works make moral choices that demonstrate their revolt against absurdity, resistance to evil in all its forms, and, despite the endless struggle, give purpose to their paths, filling life with meaning. The image of the city in A. Camus’ novel, in contrast to V. Shevchuk’s work, has clear time-space coordinates and a distinct historical context. In both works, the city appears as a closed space where absurdity reigns and a person is faced with the necessity of choice, revealing their true nature. Such circumstances allow for the representation of simulated types of behavior in limit situations. In both A. Camus’ novel and V. Shevchuk’s story, the image of the plague has a specific historical meaning (fascism in Camus’ “The Plague” and totalitarianism in Shevchuk’s work) and plays a role in a philosophical parable (metaphysical evil and evil as a part of the human inner world). Both the French and Ukrainian authors tend to similarly assess human behavior in an absurd world.

Plague (disease)
Existentialism
Context (archaeology)
Philosophy
Epistemology
History
Ancient history
Archaeology


ITALIAN EXPERIENCE OF RECONTEXTUALIZING THE FASCIST MONUMENTAL HERITAGE BASED ON THE STUDY OF THE MUSSOLINI BAS-RELIEF IN BOZEN-BOLZANO

doctoral student of the Department of Theory and History of Art National Academy of Fine Arts and Architecture

реконтекстуалізація, Південний Тіроль, Італія

The purpose of the article is to analyze how Italians have redefined their bitter legacy of the fascist regime by adding a contemporary installation to the Mussolini bas-relief in Bozen-Bolzano, South Tyrol. The research methodology is interdisciplinary. The research methods combine historical, political science, art history, cultural and social approaches to the study of the issue. The main results of the research show that a quote by a philosopher Hannah Arendt "No one has the right to obey" added to the fascist bas-relief in Bozen-Bolzano refers to Mussolini's command "Believe, obey, fight!" carved in it. It draws public's attention to the value of critical thinking, the importance of individual choice to violate or not to violate the laws of morality, and the responsibility that follows from the actions taken. The installation reminds people that blind adherence to the propaganda of National Fascism led to ethnic conflicts, racism, and genocide, and that Mussolini's obedience gave his henchmen the false belief that collective and individual responsibility for their crimes absolved them of responsibility. Conclusions. The creative approach to memory politics in the multinational and multilingual community of the Bozen-Bolzano province, which was part of Austria-Hungary, annexed by Italy, survived the fascist regime, became part of a democratic republic centered in Rome, and eventually gained its own autonomy and restored the rights of the German-speaking community, deserves a thorough study in Ukraine as an example of re-contextualizing an existing monument to a totalitarian regime that provoked passive and active protests from residents for 50 years. The authorities in Bozen-Bolzano made the difficult choice not to destroy the monument but to turn the Mussolini bas-relief into a place of memory, a unique space where the viewer looks into the abyss of the most terrible memories in order to avoid their repetition in the future. Rethinking the difficult heritage in Bozen-Bolzano can give Ukrainians an example of how to address controversial historical issues and find ways to de-communize and de-russify monumental and memorial works that provoke discontent or resentment among them.

Collective memory
Obedience
Genocide
Politics
Morality
German
Law
Sociology
Politics of memory
Democracy
Political science
History


The ideology of racism and ways of combating it through the formation of a patriotic information policy

НДЦ "Інститут соціально-правових та політичних досліджень  імені О. Яременка"

Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету Серія Історія економіка філософія

The purpose of the study is to analyze the key foundations of the “ideology of racism” and outline ways to counteract it, in particular, through the formation of a powerful domestic information policy. The methodology is based on the use of the following research methods: historical analysis of documents and events related to the origin and spread of racism; sociological research, analysis of literature and other sources that allow analyzing concepts and ideology of racism, comparative research method, statistical data analysis, mathematical modeling and others. The combination of various research methods provided an opportunity to achieve the set goal and objectives.. Scientific novelty. The main features of “Putinism” in political, ideological, socio-economic and foreign policy aspects are defined. It was determined that the financial and resource base of Russia is the export of raw materials, oil, natural gas, coal, and forest, and not the development of the latest technologies. The management model is revealed, which is formed in such a way that the president is responsible for the implementation of the strategic task of restoring imperial greatness and ensuring national interests in the international arena, and the bureaucratic apparatus of the central government subordinate to him includes two components – power and administrative and economic structures, which must ensure the well-being of the Russian people and their security. Research results. It is proved that racism is widely used to characterize the political ideology and social practice of the criminal regime of Russia in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. It is emphasized that Putin’s regime uses the ideas of the “special civilizational mission” of Russians, the “seniority of the brotherly people” and intolerance to the cultural elements of other nations in everyday affairs. It is noted that the key attributes of “racism” are: the cult of the leader and the cult of the dead, the corporate state (a state where the economic issues of the state are decided by large corporations controlled by the government), a mythical past, censorship, conspiracy theories, centralized propaganda, as well as war and destruction. Attention is focused on the fact that racism is becoming a threat not only to Ukraine, but also to Europe and the world as a whole, as it tries to embody updated forms of fascism and Stalinism, a peculiar symbiosis of them. As a misanthropic ideology, racism promotes any method, including the military, to destroy anyone who does not support this ideology.

Ideology
Racism
Sociology
Bureaucracy
Politics
Epistemology
Political economy
Social science
Political science
Public relations
Positive economics
Law
Economics


Capturing the environment, security, and development nexus: intergovernmental and NGO programming during the climate crisis

Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia

Climate change
Politics
Nexus (standard)
Sustainable development
Political science
Political economy of climate change
Environmental security
Political economy
Development economics
Sociology
Economics
Ecology
Law


Toward a Global History of Latin America's Revolutionary Left

Latin Americans
Grassroots
Political science
Left-wing politics
Communism
Democracy
Economic history
China
Law
Politics
History


Historian and Feminist Kanō Mikiyo: A Lifetime of Writing Against Japanese Imperialism = 加納実紀代の人生と著作： 歴史家とフェミニスト

Militarism
Emperor
Empire
Ideology
Gender studies
Power (physics)
Femininity
Sociology
State (computer science)
Literature
History
Ancient history
Politics
Political science
Law
Art


The Institute of Economics
The Institute of Economics, Zagreb
Ekonomski institut, Zagreb

Three separate, but interlinked, attempts at progressive planetary internationalism all trace a direct lineage from struggles against fascism, colonialism, and racism: the Bandung Afro-Asian conference of April 1955, the Belgrade Non-Aligned summit of September 1961, and the Havana Tricontinental conference of January 1966. Revisiting the three events, and tracing their ‘afterlives’, allows for a more nuanced understanding of the contradictions, challenges, and achievements of global anti-fascism and, in particular, the tensions between reformist and revolutionary transformations and between struggles ‘from above’ and ‘from below’. An analytical discussion of fascism and anti-fascism is followed by a critique of the methodological nationalism and entrenched Eurocentrism of much of the study of fascism and anti-fascism to this day. The article then outlines some aspects of fascism and anti-fascism emerging in, or traveling to, the Global South and the importance of addressing the transnational dimension of anti-fascism before exploring what the study of these three events may bring to our understandings of anti-fascism now and in the future.


Between Antifascism and Antifa: A Conversation with Mark Bray, Author of Antifa

Sergio Schargel
Julia de Oliveira Góes Guimarães

Universidade Federal Fluminense,  Brasil

Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO), Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil

Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro,  Brasil

autor de Antifa Entrevista realizada pelo Google Meet, em 13 de setembro de 2021, por

ABSTRACT Antifa, by Mark Bray, innovated in a field of study with wide coverage: fascism. Bray dared to look at the other and forgotten side: anti-fascism. In his book Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, Bray deals not with anti-fascism as mere opposition to fascism, but with a tradition of political combat that dates back to the beginnings of Mussolini’s Fascism. It is noticeable in Antifa, and even in the interview that follows, the combination between the two universes of the author. Bray, an academic historian at Dartmouth College, analyzes historical and contemporary fascisms, as well as the evolution of the concept of fascism over the last century and the equally secular struggle of anti-fascists. But this is not just a book of academic or historiographical analysis. The militant side of the author (one of the organizers of Occupy Wall Street) emerges, especially in the dozens of interviews with anti-fascists around the world.

Opposition (politics)
Militant
Historiography
Politics
Conversation
History
Art history
Classics
Sociology
Law
Political science
Archaeology


Explaining the Relationship between Fascist Pluralism and Modernity

Associated Professor, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran

Scholar, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran

Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

Fascism is a fluid and unknown phenomenon in the world of politics and especially in the field of governance, a phenomenon whose nature; despite all the efforts of theorists and thinkers in the field of political and social sciences, remains in an aura of ambiguity. Fascism is like a mirror room in allegory, every essence that is placed in it is lost in thousands of images of its kind and this confusion is the same populism that the idea of fascism seeks in different social strata as its destination. In this article, we try to provide general results from the origins of fascism; its characteristics and patterns of behavior, especially in the field of pluralism and how it treats modernity, by providing explanations of fascism research, to finally find out which political component or components fascism with such a fluid nature seeks to achieve. In a sense, the purpose of this article is to investigate and explain the relationship between fascist institutions and modernity and how to use its indicators. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical which has explained the subject with an interpretive-critical approach. The analysis of this article is based on a systematic method based on the keywords of fascism and modernity.

Modernity
Phenomenon
Politics
Epistemology
Sociology
Pluralism (philosophy)
Ambiguity
Field (mathematics)
Social science
Aesthetics
Political science
Philosophy
Law


 Investigador no Instituto de Ciências Socias da Universidade de Lisboa. Doutorado em Política Comparada pelo Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa. Autor dos livros From Hitler

História, Juiz de Fora, v. 28, n. 2, 2022

In spite of all the definitions of fascism that were presented in the last decades and the “consensus” that was created around the definition proposed by Roger Griffin (which focuses on the ultranationalist and palingenetic core of fascism), authors like Michel Dobry have criticized the tendency to opt for what they see as “essentialist” approaches and to worry too much with classifications. Nevertheless, I argue that, although the more dynamic aspects of fascist ideology must be kept in mind, definitions and classifications are a necessary component of the work of the historian that tries to make sense of the era of fascism. For this reason, I here have the goal of arriving at a new definition of fascism by making use of the conceptual morphological approach, put forward by Michael Freeden, which has never been systematically applied to the study of fascism and can lead us to new and interesting conclusions about the nature of this ideology. This essay is, thus, a reassessment of a research that I previously carried out and shall be read as a refined version of that study, which tried to define fascism through the core concepts that are part of its conceptual pattern. As it is made clear in the text, the concepts that I believe to be central to fascism are: Nation, State, Synthessis, Revolution, Authority and Violence.

Ideology
Griffin
Essentialism
Epistemology
Sociology
State (computer science)
Law
Philosophy
History
Politics
Political science
Computer science


INTRODUÇÃO AO ESTUDO HISTORIOGRÁFICO DO FASCISMO: CRÍTICA AO PONTO DE VISTA MARXISTA E À “TEORIA GERAL DO FASCISMO”

Julio César Puro Feitosa
Lucas Ferreira Furlan

Universidade do Oeste Paulista – UNOESTE

This work provides an introductory analysis of the fascist phenomenon through a detailed historiographical study, with a special focus on comparing the “Marxist” perspective and the “general theory of fascism.” The relevance of this study is particularly evident in the current context, where the term “fascism” is often used in an imprecise and sometimes biased manner to discredit political opponents. This incorrect and occasionally political usage contributes to a vague and variable definition of the fascist phenomenon. The work seeks to define fascism based on the main dominant interpretative currents, examining the limitations and weaknesses of these analyses. Additionally, the research proposes a more robust and precise conceptualization of fascism, grounded in a rigorous historiographical approach aimed at providing a clearer and more well-founded understanding of the phenomenon. This approach intends to contribute to a more informed and less polarized debate about fascism.

Conceptualization
Phenomenon
Historiography
Marxist philosophy
Relevance (law)
Context (archaeology)
Politics
Epistemology
Sociology
Perspective (graphical)
Humanities
Philosophy
History
Political science
Law
Art
Linguistics


Defining fascist pluralism's role in the development of modernity

Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran

Asian Journal of Humanities and Culture Research

In the sphere of politics, particularly in the area of governance, fascism is a fluid and undefined phenomenon whose nature, despite the best efforts of theorists and philosophers in the political and social sciences, remains shrouded in mystery. In a metaphor, populism is like a mirror room where every essence that is put in it gets lost among thousands of other images of a similar kind. This confusion is the point that fascist aspires to get at among various socioeconomic strata. In order to determine which political component or components fascism, with such a fluid nature, seeks to achieve, we attempt to provide general results from the origins of fascism; its characteristics and patterns of behavior, especially in the field of pluralism and how it treats modernity, by providing explanations of fascism research. In a way, the goal of this paper is to explore, clarify, and show how to use the markers of modernity and the relationship between fascist institutions. This article used a descriptive-analytical research design to discuss the topic using an interpretive-critical framework. This article's study is based on a methodical approach using the terms "fascism" and "modernity."

Modernity
Politics
Pluralism (philosophy)
Epistemology
Confusion
Sociology
Phenomenon
Metaphor
Aesthetics
Social science
Political science
Philosophy
Law
Psychoanalysis
Psychology
Linguistics


Fascist politics and the dread of white supremacy in the age of disconnections

The Review of Education Pedagogy & Cultural Studies

Politics
Authoritarianism
White supremacy
Capitalism
Scholarship
Sociology
Isolation (microbiology)
Political science
Political economy
Democracy
Law


Digital Anti-Rationalism: Understanding the Alignment of Vitalism, Social Media, and Right-Wing Messaging

Quinsigamond Community College , Worcester , USA

This paper examines the relationship between social media and fascism. The main argument is that social mediaand fascism share anti-rational drives. For fascism, this is due to its roots in vitalism, and for social media, it is due to itsposition in a continuum of media concision. Through an interdisciplinary analysis including media studies, propagandaanalysis, and scholarship on fascism, the paper will expand on the concept of concision in the media as elucidated by NoamChomsky, applying it to social media to demonstrate how it limits evidence-based argumentation. This will be done bysituating social media within a larger trajectory of concision, showcasing how social media platforms like X, TikTok, and more,are concise by design. The paper will then trace the anti-rationalist roots of fascism, focusing on the connections to vitalismand its dependence on intuition and emotion instead of evidence and rationality. By linking those elements to social media,the paper will ultimately articulate the ways in which the concision of social media and the anti-rationalism of fascism align,creating a media ecosphere that privileges fascist rhetoric due to its inherent irrationality. This examination will look at thosepieces in conjunction with the “firehose of falsehood” propaganda model, which relies on rapid, high-volume media content.The ultimate argument of this paper is that social media, in their concision, limit discourse in a way that underminesrationality, presenting significant implications for politics around the world.

Vitalism
Right wing
Wing
Social media
Sociology
Epistemology
Psychology
Political science
Philosophy
Medicine
Law
Engineering


As teses "Sobre o conceito de História" encontram o Terceiro Reich

Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP)

This is a theoretical sociological study, situated within the field of social thought, whose central aim is to outline a reading of Walter Benjamin on fascism, based on the interpretation of his Theses on the Concept of History (1940). To this end, we will analyze selected theses, with the ongoing debate on fascism serving as the backdrop. We understand that grasping the critical confrontation of Benjamin's theses against Nazism and fascism in that context, a theme we will address in this article, means gaining a better understanding of the complexity of Benjamin’s historical-philosophical, political, and revolutionary reflection


A obsessão por ruínas nos fascismos históricos

In support of the thesis that the distinctive character of fascism is its suicidal nature, recently taken up by Vladimir Safatle (2020), for whom this has been updated in recent years and thrives amid the current global rise of the extreme right, this essay to debate some determinations of historical fascisms, having as main reference the work Os Labirintos do Fascismo, by João Bernardo, namely: the aesthetics of ruins, the fascist cult of death, the links between fascism and total war, and the fascist production of necrophilic and exterminist subjectivities.


Apartheid, authoritarianism and anticolonial struggles viewed from the Right

Acta Academica Critical views on society culture and politics

After his commitment to the eventually failed defence of segregation in the United States during the 1960s, political scientist A. James Gregor (1929-2019) created an extensive oeuvre on the history of Fascism and its ideology. While personally remaining an éminence grise, his ideo-centric approach proved influential in international academic discussions. He helped foster an approach centred on the representation of ideological aspects of Fascism at the expense of the critical analysis of other historical elements, thus obscuring Fascism’s societal roots. Moreover, Gregor’s definition of Fascism, intrinsically linked to his understanding of a developmental dictatorship, blurs the line between colonialism and anticolonial struggles. In his works on Fascism in the Global South, written during the Cold War, Gregor does not find developmental regimes akin to the Mussolini dictatorship among the largely pro-Western right-wing authoritarianisms that emerged in the Tricont, but rather within the largely left-wing national liberation fronts and the political systems they built up. This peculiar verdict is linked to Gregor’s own apologia of historical Italian Fascism and more recent right-wing dictatorships in the so-called Third World, like, for instance, the Apartheid regime, and to his simultaneous denigration of anticolonial struggle as it was pursued i.a. by the anti-Apartheid movement. Through a critique of ideology which delineates and analyses Gregor’s argument evolving around these themes, this article contests his political compass in his search for Fascism in a historical-critical manner and offers an alternative proposition on how to identify the historical and contemporary role of far-right politics in the world system of capitalism.

Dictatorship
Ideology
Politics
Authoritarianism
Colonialism
Left-wing politics
Political science
Law
Sociology
History
Democracy


Left, right, or neither? Islamism as social blueprint

University of Eastern Piedmont, Vercelli, Italy

Socialism
Blueprint
Communism
Politics
Democracy
Political economy
Social transformation
Political science
Social change
Economic system
Law and economics
Sociology
Law
Economics


The aim of this article is to demonstrate that the terms fascist, Nazi, neo-fascist and other similar variations do not apply to the far right in Brazil. To this end, it situates the phenomenon historically, highlights the imperial nature of the ideology and program of Nazi-fascism and states that the main ideological and programmatic elements of Nazi-fascism are organically linked to and conditioned by the strategic imperial objectives of the ideology and program. The total impossibility of associating Nazi-fascism with right-wing extremists in Brazil stems from the fact that the various right-wing extremist factions in the country have as their strategic objective neocolonial reconversion, the consummation of a reprimarized vassal state, subject to the designs of the American empire.


Governing “decadent cities”: The far-right as agents of climate counterinsurgency

Ecological crisis has given rise to a range of discussions over “climate fascism,” “green nationalism,” “fossil fascism,” and “eco-fascism.” Several authors have advanced the thesis that climate adaptation will be shaped by an increase in authoritarian politics or an uptick in organized violence (e.g. at the borders of nation-states) as states deploy counterinsurgency tactics against climate refugees and environmental activists. My article inverts this proposition by arguing that far right politics emerges as a contingent possibility in the mode of counterinsurgency governance. I propose the framework of “relations of counterinsurgency” as a means of understanding how counterinsurgency manages crises of urban governability by remaking the spaces of uneven urbanization. I then argue that to theorize contemporary far right climate politics, we should ask what the term eco-fascism does rather than what it is. My argument is that, as climate change makes increasing claims upon political institutions, relations of counterinsurgency allow far right actors to constitute their agency and subjectivity.

Political economy
Politics
Agency (philosophy)
Political science
Authoritarianism
Political subjectivity
Sociology
Law
Democracy
Social science


Finland and Military Volunteers in the Swedish Fascist Imaginary, 1809–1944

Centre for Research on Extremism (C-REX), University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway

Abstract This article explores the place of Finland and the Swedish military volunteers of the 1918 civil war, and 1939–44 Finno-Soviet wars, in the Swedish fascist imaginary. The loss of Finland to Russia in 1809 was heavily romanticized in Swedish nationalist culture, and shaped Swedish responses to both conflicts, mediated through famous literary works which encouraged a sense of shame and betrayal. Through examination of the historical relationship between the two countries, the volunteer effort in 1918, and the subsequent emergence of fascism in the interwar period, it is shown that this imaginary of the Finnish–Swedish relationship strongly shaped Swedish fascism. The article traces key military volunteer veterans in various fascist organizations, and the symbolic appropriation of the veterans. Rather than a comparatively peaceful manifestation of fascism in neutral Sweden, Swedish fascism was possessed of a heavily militarized imaginary rooted in violent proxy conflicts in its former eastern borderlands – in this regard it also showed substantial overlap with Swedish conservative nationalism.

The Imaginary
Appropriation
Nationalism
Betrayal
Shame
History
Political science
Sociology
Economic history
Gender studies
Law
Psychology
Psychoanalysis
Philosophy
Politics


The NKVD and the Political Origins of Socialist Realism: The Persecution of the Boichukisty in Ukraine

Bourgeoisie
Ukrainian
Politics
Socialism
Nationalism
Persecution
Left-wing politics
Realism
Glory
Painting
Favourite
Sociology
History
Law
Art
Literature
Art history
Communism
Political science
Philosophy


Anti-fascist movements in Republican Italy (1945–2018)

Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia, Italy

Political science
History
Ancient history
Geography


Fascist Ideology in the Twentieth Century: Media, Economics, and Literary Representation

Research Scholar, GGS Indraprastha University, Delhi, India

Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research)

The study of fascism, over the years, has evolved considerably since the mid-twentieth century. It has moved beyond historical analysis to encompass interdisciplinary approaches that examine its ideological foundations, communication mechanisms, and cultural manifestations across time and space. This paper explores how fascism is both a political phenomenon and a cultural construct. It analyzes how fascist ideology operates through the network of nationalism, authoritarian communication, and literary representation. Drawing upon critical theoretical frameworks, particularly those developed by the Frankfurt School and contemporary scholars like Christian Fuchs, this paper examines fascism not merely as a historical aberration but rather as a systematic form of authoritarian capitalism that employs specific cultural communicative strategies to maintain power.

Ideology
Authoritarianism
Representation (politics)
Politics
Capitalism
Phenomenon


Is Russia Fascist? Unravelling Propaganda East and West by Marlene Laruelle

Nazism
Ideology
Eastern Bloc
Melting pot
History
Law
Religious studies
Political science
Politics
Economic history
Immigration
Philosophy
Communism


POLITICAL-MILITARY DOCTRINE, ITALIAN FASCIST DOCTRINE

National University of Political Studies and Public Administration, Bucharest, Romania

SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE

Fascism was a political movement founded by Benito Amilcare Andrea Mussolini in 1919, dominating Italy's leadership between 1922-1945. In its various periods, fascism has received many different definitions, obviously based on quite different points of view. Each of them reveals to a greater or lesser extent the political essence of this contradictory and enigmatic phenomenon for the culture of the twentieth century

Doctrine
Politics
Phenomenon
Political science
Military doctrine
Law
History
Political economy
Sociology
Philosophy
Epistemology


Antifascist Narrative and the Politics of Optimism

Democracy
Narrative
Politics
Status quo
Optimism
Liberalism
Psychoanalysis
Aesthetics
Political science
Gender studies
History
Sociology
Literature
Law
Art
Philosophy
Psychology
Epistemology


UFR d'Histoire et de géographie, Université de Picardie, Amiens, France

Opuscula Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome

Etruscology developed in the 20th century as a scientific discipline thanks to and against the ideologies of its time. In Italy, between Unification and the March on Rome, Etruscan studies were encouraged by an exacerbated nationalism. Once Unity was achieved, the Italians had to be made, considering the Etruscans the precursors of Rome and the ancestors of the Italians. Then, from 1922 until the end of World War II, Fascism favoured the structuring of Etruscology thanks to the Istituto di Studi Etruschi, which gave the discipline international visibility, but Fascism also oriented a whole series of Italian studies towards the idea of the autochthony of the Etruscans, against that of a heteroctony, promoted by Nazi Germany to identify the Etruscans as oriental individuals of an inferior race. Only slowly did Etruscologists shed the values associated with fascism and turn towards liberalism or communism to renew their conception of the origin, society and art of the Etruscans.


Populism
Politics
Nazism
Right wing
Political science
Rhetoric
Parallels
Nationalism
Law
Immigration
Economic Justice
Sociology
Political economy
Philosophy


Fascismo e nazionalismo tra divergenze teoriche e scontri fisici

Fascism does not constitute a monolith but an aggregation of even conflicting forces which, held together by Mussolini’s mediating ability, contribute to determining a political direction that is not always linear. In this variegated galaxy a central role is assumed by the Ani whose link with fascism is equivocal. Beyond the known affinities, the divergences are clear. The essay aims to reconstruct between ’19 and ’23, through the use of primary and secondary sources, the ambiguity of a relationship in which the contrasts rapidly degenerate from the doctrinal level to that of armed confrontation.


Confronting Silence and Cover-Up of the Colonial Genocide in Libya

Comparative Studies of South Asia Africa and the Middle East

Genocide
Silence
Historiography
Scholarship
Colonialism
Agency (philosophy)
Sociology
History
Anthropology
Social science
Criminology
Law
Political science
Aesthetics
Philosophy


Il cinema italiano del secondo dopoguerra e la controversa questione della discontinuitÃƒÂ : nuove strade, antichi territori?

Univ. Udine, Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici e del Patrimonio Culturale

Univ. Udine, Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici e del Patrimonio Cul-turale, Vicolo Florio 2/b, 33100, Udine, Italy

Laboratorio di Storia Francesco Pitassio Il cinema italiano del secondo dopoguerra e la controversa questione della discontinuità: nuove strade,

ALMA MATER STUDIORUM Universitˆ di Bologna Dipartimento di Storia Culture CiviltĈ

The article focuses on the Italian cinema in building collective memory in post-war transitional phase. It tackles neorealist humanism and descriptive style, together with its obliteration of Fascism. These features contribute to Ã¢â‚¬Ëœcultural traumaÃ¢â‚¬â„¢: a symbolic activity reshaping collective identity. Finally, the article scrutinizes non-fiction works representing a contested area, in political and historical terms: Trieste. This final pace sheds light on the degree of diffusion of cultural trauma and clarifies how the concealment of Fascism operated as parapraxis.

Humanities
Identity (music)
Collective identity
Movie theater
Humanism
Art
Pace
Politics
Style (visual arts)
History
Literature
Political science
Geography
Aesthetics
Law


Toward a Critique of Fascist Temporality

Temporality
Teleology
Philosophy
Epistemology
Philosophy of history
Repetition (rhetorical device)
Politics
Contradiction
Socialism
Aesthetics
Sociology
Law


KAKO UPOKOJITI VAMPIRA BY BORISLAV PEKIĆ: A POLITICAL NOVEL BETWEEN DOCUMENTARITY AND PSYCHOLOGY

Fakultet za crnogorski jezik i književnost – Cetinje

Institute for Montenegrin Language and Literature

In this paper, the author examines the complex genre nature of the novel Kako upokojiti vampira, and determines the main genre factors of this political novel: documentarity and psychology. The political orientation of this novel is quite logical because it aims to examine the ideology of fascism, which was not historically unique, and to show that fascism can indeed be revived, as demonstrated in the novel. In addition, this novel deals with history as a regime that serves ideology, or politics, history that can revive any ideology. What is historiography if it serves fascism, and is it a political compromise? This paper aims to show how Pekić’s novel overturns the world of established and humanistic values from the perspective of police and fascist logic, and history is viewed and transformed through the ideology and psyche of those who serve that ideology. Documents in this political novel are a narrative category, a strategic focus of an alienated individual whom political ideologies and his existence place on the margins of society and existence. Even a scientist is not saved from totalitarian consciousness and ideology, and the only absurdity that escapes that logic and that science is a simple umbrella.

Politics
Psychology
Epistemology
Sociology
Psychoanalysis
Political science
Philosophy
Law


Ukrainian nationalism in the first half of the XX century as a variant of nazism

Russian State University for the Humanities

Nazism
Ukrainian
Nationalism
Political science
Ancient history
Economic history
History
Law
Philosophy
Politics
Linguistics


This article discusses fascism with a particular focus on Hindutva—the present day variety of fascism. It also touches upon various political fascist systems over the last 100 years and analyzes the conditions under which mass murder occurs. There is a huge outpouring of books on this subject, the vast majority of which is about the holocaust under Adolf Hitler, the German Der Führer. Jewish writings on this subject dominate this literature. Comparatively, there is a tiny number of books on the holocaust of the American Indians, despite the fact that somewhere between 50 to 90 million people died in roughly 100 years.

Hindutva
The Holocaust
Hinduism
Nationalism
Subject (documents)
Politics
German
Religious studies
History
Judaism
Variety (cybernetics)
Nationalist Movement
Political science
Law
Philosophy


Before 1951: Setting Up the Network of G. B. Giorgini and the Launch of Made in Italy

Aeronautics
Geography
Political science
Engineering


Rethinking Atlantic Empire: Christopher Schmidt-Nowara's Histories of Nineteenth-Century Spain and the Antilles

Empire
Scholarship
Biography
Schmidt reaction
History
Classics
Art history
Ancient history
Law