Synchronising projections: corporatism in transnational radical nationalism across Germany, Austria, and Italy, 1925-1934

Université de Bielefeld • Daniele Toro a étudié l’histoire à l’université de Bologne et à l’université de Bielefeld où il a obtenu son diplôme avec un mémoire sur les relations entre le « Stahlhelm, B.d.F. » allemand et le fascisme italien. Depuis 2017, il est doctorant à la Bielefeld Graduate School in History and Sociology (BGHS) et à la Faculté d’histoire, philosophie et théologie, où il est également assistant d’enseignement depuis 2020. Son projet de doctorat, intitulé « A “dark” entanglement. Transnational fascist networks between Germany, Austria and Italy, 1918-1934 », est financé par une bourse de la Fondation Gerda Henkel

Université de Bielefeld • Daniele Toro a étudié l'histoire à l'université de Bologne et à l'université de Bielefeld où il a obtenu son diplôme avec un mémoire sur les relations entre le « Stahlhelm, B.d.F. » allemand et le fascisme italien. Depuis 2017, il est doctorant à la Bielefeld Graduate School in History and Sociology (BGHS) et à la Faculté d'histoire, philosophie et théologie, où il est également assistant d'enseignement depuis 2020. Son projet de doctorat, intitulé « A "dark" entanglement. Transnational fascist networks between Germany, Austria and Italy, 1918-1934 », est financé par une bourse de la Fondation Gerda Henkel

This article scrutinises the impact of corporatism within the framework of informal fascist networks between Germany, Austria, and Italy before the consolidation of the National Socialist and Austrofascist regimes in 1933/34. In particular, it examines the intertwining of previous local traditions of socio-political organicism across the German NSDAP and Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten, the Austrian Heimwehren and Italian fascism as a convergence process. It shows that corporatism represented a key notion orienting the relational agency of right-wing groups towards a common, transnationally circulated vanishing point and thus ultimately worked as a projection towards a mutually shared, even if only vaguely specified, horizon. Resonating with the core fascist expectation of a nation-state eventually purged from enemies and minorities through violence, this produced a synchronisation of expectations among movements and enabled their mutual networking beyond the tensions of the time, real-political conflicts, and overall dispositional incommensurability.

Corporatism
Nationalism
Politics
German
Political economy
Consolidation (business)
Political science
Sociology
Organicism
Law
Economics
History
Epistemology


The British Labour Movement’s Involvement in West Indian Labour Struggles, 1934–39: Revolutionaries and Reformers

Business School, University of Wolverhampton, Wolverhampton WV1 1AD

Historical Studies in Industrial Relations

Movement (music)
Political science
Economic history
Political economy
History
Economics
Art
Aesthetics


The Far-Right International Versus Anti-fascist Internationalism

Has internationalism from below been kidnapped by the far right? This article explores how an emergent “far-right international” responds and seeks to capture forms of “internationalism from below,” which in recent years have included transfeminist, anti-racist, and environmentalist struggles. The authors inquire into emergent far-right international dynamics, with a focus on Argentina and the United States, while highlighting strategies that exceed the institutional sphere and that capillarize from below. The authors conclude by asking: How might new internationalisms rearticulate existing subjectivities in this conjuncture of financialized capitalism and far-right reaction? To what extent does the anti-fascist dimension reorganize the coordinates of internationalism from below? How is this conjuncture demanding a reinvention of anti-fascism in response to far-right international strategies? To address these questions, the authors examine a series of struggles from below that, in meeting present challenges, could be called an emergent anti-fascist internationalism.

Internationalism (politics)
Far right
Political science
History
Law
Politics


Flexible Nationalisms: Applying Anthony D. Smith’s Theory to the Irish Case

University College Dublin, Ireland
Copenhagen University, Denmark

Abstract Anthony D. Smith, in one of his earlier, less debated, works – Nationalism in the 20th Century (1979) – examines phases of nationalism in the modern era, suggesting that nationalism has taken various forms before and during the 20th century. He argues that nationalism’s adaptability is at the core of its persistence, adapting to changing situations such as fascism and communism. As a result of this adaptability, nationalism still flourishes today. This article applies Smith’s theory to explore the interplay between cultural and material factors in the evolution of nationalism in Ireland. It identifies five ideological phases – revolutionary nationalist, protectionist, liberalising, neoliberal, and ecological – to which nationalism has adapted, and within which nationalism has influenced various aspects of Irish society. These phases are situated within a broader ideological and material context, analysing obliquely the Irish language (a core element of Irish nationalism), and related to changing processes of individualization.

Irish
Sociology
Computer science
Philosophy
Linguistics


Inquiry Critical Thinking Across the Disciplines

This small but important English translation of Theodor Adorno’s public lectures (Lectures 1949-1968, Volume 2) is essential reading for lay audiences interested in developing a critical understanding of the interconnected issues of urban design and social structures, the liberatory implications of sociological research, political education and schooling, the deep psychology of authoritarianism, research and teaching in the modern university, the role of superstition in seeding fascism, and the persistence of right-wing extremism in western democracies. For readers who are unfamiliar with Adorno, these lectures are a perfect introduction to both his method of critical analysis as well as to the conclusions—often counterintuitive—it reveals about the individual’s unconscious but formative relationship to the socio-political sphere. In the 21st century, the call to unfreedom from the podium of authoritarianism grows more insistent every day. In these lectures, Adorno shows us how our ability to disentangle truth from social structures powerfully articulates with our ability to transform them.

Epistemology Philosophy Aesthetics Psychology


Ehrlich in problemi slovenske krščansko-demokratične samozavesti

The article discusses the importance and role of Christian values for the democratic functioning of society. Lambert Ehrlich (1878–1942) strove for this with an exemplary, decisive, witnessing, Christian-based personal life attitude. He taught and organized Slovenians so that, in loyalty to the faith and the nation, they would preserve these foundations for the survival and self-defence of personal and national independence. He was an example and support to young and afflicted people in Carinthia and later, after his emigration, in Ljubljana as a university professor (since 1922) and spiritual leader of students (since 1931). He helped them develop Christian-social democratic attitudes and warned against the influences and dangers of communism, fascism, and national socialism. Despite his physical murder and erasure from collective memory carried out by the communists, his ideas about freedom, Christianity, and democratic values came true in the Slovenian state. Today, we are threatened by both consumerism and soft totalitarianism, which is why prudent people are once again calling for Ehrlich’s topical reflections.


Intelligence, Affirmative Ethics and the Anti-fascist Life

Utrecht University Distinguished Professor Emerita

Subjectivity
Norm (philosophy)
Power (physics)
Meta-ethics
Democracy
Public life
Applied ethics
Nursing ethics


Radio Technologies for the Fascist Alternative Modernity

University of Padua https://dx.doi.org/9308 Padua Italy


A Study on the Policy for Making Democratic National Culture in North Korea Immediately After Liberation

Korea Association of World History and Culture

Liberation
Democracy
Political science
Law
Chemistry
Politics


‘Parma dreamin’’: Malerba's <i>Il serpente</i>

Department of Romance and Classical Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, USA

Narrative
Humiliation
Shame
Aside
Psychoanalysis
Reflexive pronoun
Realism
Sociology
Aesthetics
Psychology
Social psychology
Literature
Philosophy
Art


Falangist antisemitism in Spain 1933–1945

Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies

Spanish fascists held power for a lengthy period, yet their antisemitism remains underresearched. This article, drawing on periodicals and archival documentation, specifically examines the early years of the Falange until 1945. The period was characterised by a significant surge in antisemitic sentiment in Spain, accompanied by a growing presence of the alleged ‘Judaeo-Masonic conspiracy’. Representing the first in-depth approach in English, the text is divided into four parts. The first serves as an introduction to the outbreak of antisemitism and conspiracy theories within the political cultures of the Spanish illiberal right following the advent of democracy in 1931. The second focuses on fascism and its four most prominent figures up to 1936. The third analyses the Falange’s pronounced antisemitism during the Spanish Civil War, exploring both its internal and external influences. The fourth and final part addresses the fervently antisemitic stance of the Falange during the decisive years of the Second World War, navigating the tensions between Nazi antisemitic racism and Catholic anti-racist antisemitism.

Antisemitism Philosophy Theology Judaism


Karl Polanyi’s The Great Transformation: The Critique of Liberalism and the Emergence of Illiberalism

Tuberk Samur, MA University of Amsterdam, Netherlands

Tuğberk Samur, MA University of Amsterdam, Netherlands

Nineteenth-century Western civilization was based on four institutions: the balance of power, the international gold standard, the liberal state, and the self-regulating market. For Polanyi, the source and “matrix of the system” was the self-regulating market, which was the governing law of a liberal economy. The latter was a stark utopia that annihilated the substance of society. In his view, society would react to this by attempting to protect itself. Polanyi called this process, which destroyed nineteenth-century Western civilization, double movement. The origin of the destruction is rooted in “the utopian endeavor of economic liberalism to set up a self-regulating market system.” Fascism and socialism were responses to that self-regulating market. Polanyi’s thesis and analysis look very similar to the resurgence of illiberalism today. The expansion of neoliberal ideology brought about the “countermovement” of radicalism, which, at its root, is a reaction to the liberal utopia Polanyi mentioned. How can we understand Polanyi’s critique of liberalism and its relevance to contemporary liberalism in the sense of “double movement”?

Liberalism
Ideology
Civilization
Utopia
Political radicalism
Socialism
State (computer science)
Sociology
Political science
Political economy
Law
Politics
Communism


‘Beyond Paisans’: Italian-American service members and the Allied liberation of Italy

Department of Humanities, Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Venice, Italy

Abstract During the Second World War, hundreds of thousands of American soldiers of Italian origin were drafted into the US military and sent to fight overseas against the Axis powers. For many, this was an opportunity to demonstrate their loyalty to the country and remove suspicions raised by Italian communities’ ties with the Fascist regime. The prospect of fighting in their homeland aroused mixed feelings among those who were sent to Italy from June 1943. On the one hand, the presence of cultural and family ties stimulated the establishment of supportive relations with Italians and was seen by Washington as a useful tool for promoting ‘good occupation’ policies in Italy. However, the ethnic background of these soldiers did not always act as a socialisation factor with Italians, but sometimes gave rise to contradictory and even hostile attitudes that were linked to harsh judgements about Italians’ responsibilities for Fascism and their predisposition, or otherwise, to democracy. This article reconstructs the contribution made by these ethnic personnel to the liberation of the peninsula and the particular views they held of Italy and Italians between war and liberation.

Liberation
Service (business)
Political science
Ethnology
Sociology
Economy
Economics


La donna fascista – narodowa służebnica, żona i matka

The subject of this article is the attitude of Italian fascism towards women. It outlines the social roles that were announced to women in propaganda texts and to which they were supposed to submit. The author describes the position of Italian women, referring to the specific decalogues of women and families that appeared in the fascist press in the 1920s. A woman-mother was the basic and most important figure that bound the family together but also built the power of the state. Bearing children and raising them to be righteous members of the nation and submitting to the will of men were to ensure women universal respect and recognition. According to fascist ideology, reproduction was also a precondition for recognising a union as a family, a man and a woman staying together. The next part of the article is devoted to this issue. It describes the obligations imposed by fascist ideologues also on men. Both sexes were stripped of individualism, personal needs and desires in this political reproductive puzzle, albeit unevenly and with the preservation of patriarchal patterns. The state and its leader – Benito Mussolini – became a god and a source of laws.

Ideology
Politics
Power (physics)
Individualism
State (computer science)
Subject (documents)
Sociology
Law
Gender studies
Reproduction
Political science


The Novel as Communal Form: H. T. Tsiang’s Asiatic Mode of Literary Production

Department of English, University of California , Berkeley,

Production (economics)
Mode (computer interface)
Mode of production
History
Art
Computer science
Economics


Subversive youth literature – a fairy tale play by Alenka Gerlovič, Jurček and the Three Bandits (1944), in context

Faculty of Education. University of Ljubljana. Ljubljana

ANGLISTICUM Journal of the Association-Institute for English Language and American Studies

The article deals with the fairy tale play by the painter Alenka Gerlovič (1919–2010) entitled Jurček in trije razbojniki (Jurček and the Three Bandits). The play was created during World War II and is an expression of the author's ethical attitude towards fascism and Nazism and the horrors of war. As the analysis shows, with this play Alenka Gerlovič became one of the world's youth writers who have commented on the war with their works. With Jurček, Alenka Gerlovič created an "imaginary screen" that enabled the audience to maintain a distance from atrocities in wartime conditions and at the same time be part of the anti-fascist struggle, also as a symbolic weapon and ethical act.

Keywords: Alenka Gerlovič, World War II, fairy tale play, subversiveness, 1944.

World War II
Context (archaeology)
Nazism
Spanish Civil War
Expression (computer science)
Life span
Span (engineering)
Law
Art
Literature
Sociology
Political science
History
Politics


The British Union of Fascists: Newspapers and Secret Files, 1933‐1951

Newspaper
Microform
Politics
Government (linguistics)
Law
History
Media studies
Political science
Sociology


Quod mentem moneat: Monuments and memory in Bernardo Bertolucci’s The Conformist (1970)

The American University of Rome , Via Pietro Roselli, 4, 00153 Rome ,

The American University of Rome , Via Pietro Roselli, 4, 00153 Rome,

Conformist
Palimpsest
Context (archaeology)
History
Art
Literature
Visual arts
Aesthetics
Archaeology
Politics


Reconciling Word and World: Theories of Literature in the Age of Neorealism

The cultural debates of the first decadeafter the Second World War mark a turning point in Italian literaryand intellectual history. The convergence of trends in modernEuropean literature with the social and political demands ofpost-Fascist Italy radically revised the theoretical andideological foundations of textual representation. At the sametime, the efforts to create a “new culture,” and to rethink therelationship between literature and society, transformed the socialrole and responsibilities of writers and intellectuals. The age ofneorealism thus represents a crux in the development of modernItalian culture. Because its repercussions continue to shapeItalian intellectual discourse, neorealism remains fundamental toour understanding of contemporary literature and culture. Yet theinnovative thrust of the postwar intellectual climate has beenobscured by historiorgraphic conventions that apply blanketcategorization to diverse and contrasting literary currents, orconversely omit from consideration the period’s most inventive,original, and enduring literary production. This study presents acomprehensive model of the divergent theories of representation andinterpretation that renewed Italian literature and culture afterFascism. I suggest that the transformation of the period’s theoriesof literature is dialogic, emerging within postwar literary,cultural, political, and religious debates, and articulated throughthe contest of ideologies. New, hybrid principles of narrativityand hermeneutics result from the clash between competing notions ofliterary representation and intellectual engagement. Chapter Oneaddresses the most significant point of contention, the definitionof realism, which authors alternately understand as the ethicalimperative faithfully to memorialize the events of history, or asthe invention of new truths through the process of literarycreation. Chapter Two rethinks the dominant ideologies ofliterature’s political intervention, its “impegno,” suggesting thatthey are founded upon an unresolved conflict between descriptiveaccounts of culture’s societal foundations and prescriptive callsfor greater cultural intercession. Chapter Three re-interprets thedebates over culture’s complicity in Fascism in light of theemerging consensus regarding postwar literature’s borrowings fromthe culture of the Fascist ventennio. Chapter Four argues that, inthe accounts of postwar Italian intellectuals, literature’spolitical impact is thought not to reside in the text’s capacity toinculcate a new belief system, but rather in its potential toexplore and represent new modes of social consciousness, and toproject a comprehensive social consciousness. The conclusionexplores the implications of these discoveries for neorealistcinema and poetry, and for the postwar reception of the ideas ofGramsci, LukIAaAIâaAcs, and Sartre.

Ideology
Neorealism (international relations)
Sociology
Literary criticism
Politics
Epistemology
Chronotope
Literary science
Literature
History
Social science
Aesthetics
Political science
International relations
Philosophy
Law
Art


Chronic Sexual Intoxication as a Manifestation of the Crisis of the West. Thoughts of Twentieth-Century Cultural Traditionalists

Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu

The aim of this article is to discuss the views of cultural traditionalists on human sexuality. The paper presents the views of the following thinkers: René Guénon, Julius Evola, and Pitirim Sorokin. Each represents a different line of cultural traditionalism. However, they are united by expressive, radical views as well as by peculiar choices and life experiences. (Guénon was a convert to Islam, Evola sympathized with paganism and fascism, whereas Sorokin was one of the fathers of American sociology, an emigrant from Russia, with the soul of a “Russian traditionalist.”) René Guénon, Julius Evola, and Pitirim Sorokin recognized a deep crisis of the Western world. They argued that the cause of this crisis was sexual intoxication: anarchy and the sexual revolution. They thought that culture and the spiritual tradition in the Western (material) civilization was disappearing and that the primary cause of the crisis and the decline of the West were individualism and rationalism – manifesting themselves as pride, prudishness, perversion, the cult of the body, and orgasm. Guénon, Evola and Sorokin craved the restoration of the previous state: the sacralization of sex, community bonds, male domination, and ritual procreation. This was supposed to prevent the crisis and the decline of culture.

Civilization
Cult
Western culture
Human sexuality
Counterculture
State (computer science)
Individualism
Soul
Perversion
Sociology
Religious studies
Psychoanalysis
Gender studies
History
Law
Philosophy
Political science
Theology
Ancient history
Psychology


Approach to the Method of Myths Analysis (according to R. Bart Methodology) as a Tool for Studying the Process of Legitimation of the Political System on the Example of the Rethinking of the Historical Experience of the USSR in Contemporary Russia

Russian Academy of Sciences;
Russian Foreign Trade Academy, Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation

Humanities and Social Sciences Bulletin of the Financial University

Finance University under the Government of the Russian Federation

In this article, the author attempts to analyze several basic myths that are based on the events or peculiarities of the historical events of the USSR period, but at the same time have a direct impact on the process of legitimation of the modern political system in Russia. The relevance of this topic is conditioned by the need to scientifically comprehend the existing experience both scientifically and analytically in the formation of the ideological foundations of the statehood of Russia, considering the request for the analysis of the “genetic code” of the Russian political system. As a material for analysis, the author of the article uses generally accepted ideas and artifacts of Russian modernity. The author identified the following three myths for the analysis: St. George’s Ribbon as a symbol of the victory of the USSR over fascism, the Gagarin Monument as a symbol of the breakthrough technological heritage of the USSR and Russia as the successor of this heritage; Economic growth as a symbol of economic determinism embedded in the ideology of Marxism. The identification and determination of the mechanism for the formation of myths based on the historical experience of the USSR has made it possible to identify promising directions for the development of myths in the future.

Legitimation
Mythology
Ideology
Symbol (formal)
Politics
Victory
Sociology
Relevance (law)
Modernity
Authoritarianism
Epistemology
Political science
History
Law
Philosophy
Classics
Linguistics


New York’s New School for Social Research: Renewing a distinguished legacy

United States Fulbright Award Recipient, New York City

Institution
Sociology
Politics
Media studies
Social institution
Social science
Gender studies
Political science
Law


Metamorphosis of an intellectual: Gaetano Salvemini, exile in Europe and the United States

Department of Cultures and Civilisations, University of Verona, Italy

Abstract Long neglected, Gaetano Salvemini's years of exile (1925–1949) now constitute a crucial period for reconsidering his intellectual and political profile. This article intends first to propose an overall interpretation of Salvemini's exile that considers the years 1919 to 1925 as the culmination of a profound turning point in his life. The central part of the essay is devoted to reconstructing the genesis of Salvemini's relationship with the United States and dwells on the reflections written after his first trip overseas in 1927. In them it is possible to find a clear analysis of the impact of Fascist propaganda on American soil and a definition of the tasks that exiles were called upon to perform in their host countries. Building on these premises, the study rereads Salvemini's years of American exile by focusing on three aspects. Firstly, his great ability to adapt to the American academic world. Secondly, his commitment to the field of research, with works dedicated to the study of Fascism, some centred on a reinterpretation of the concept of democracy and others on the methodology of history. Thirdly, his prodigious activity carried out in the antifascist struggle.

Reinterpretation
Interpretation (philosophy)
Politics
State (computer science)
Democracy
Field (mathematics)
Turning point
Period (music)
History
Sociology
Political science
Law
Aesthetics
Art
Philosophy


THE LEGIONARY INSURGENCY OF JANUARY 1941 IN BUCHAREST – NEW ARCHIVE DISCLOSURES

Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie

In the literature of the interwar period and World War II, the severe divide between diverse political conservative trends, including authoritarian conservatism and right wing extremism, had been obvious for some time. In the historiography on the Legionary Rebellion in Romania, as it is frequently termed, of 21-23 January 1941, this perspective was disregarded, despite its considerably explanatory potential. This work takes a novel approach to this topic, analyzing with historical-archival arguments the great clash between two eminently incompatible organizations: one of the elites with authoritarian traditional leanings, and the other revolutionary, intolerant of the old hierarchies and inspired by European fascism, promoting national purification through violence and the annihilation of others. This research will reconsider some of the key notions and assumptions underpinnings the disputes and emphasize a sequence of critical decision-making activities based on unstudied Romanian Secret Service data1. Also, the work involves a critical analysis of the information regarding the legionary insurgency through the lens of interwar intelligence and their presentation to the readers, whether they are specialists or a history enthusiasts, both from a historical, analytical, and especially applied and exemplary perspective.

Historiography
Insurgency
Conservatism
Politics
Authoritarianism
Democracy
Political science
Sociology
Political economy
History
Law


Libido, Psychic Eugenics and Abnormality

Kapodistrian University of Athens Greece Athens

Abstract This article attempts to resituate the Greek regime of 4th of August 1936 within the wider context of interwar fascism in Europe and address it as fascist ideology and practice. It does so by pointing to the ways in which the biomedical discourse on gender and sexuality was pivotal in Ioannis Metaxas’s project in terms of playing a crucial role in normalising ideas of racial, class, sexual and gender hierarchy. The article has two areas of focus. The first approaches the eugenic discourse developed in Greece and Europe under liberal governments. This relied on the premise that the mental or psychic disorders it accounted for, identified mainly among the lower classes, were diagnosed as diseases of the ‘libidinous libido’ when it came to criminality, poverty, strikes, psychic diseases and brutal deaths. The second area of focus reveals how, once trained to detect biological and psychical anomalies, Metaxas’s regime managed to perform something that now gives the impression of a magic trick: by waving the wand of psychiatric technocracy over a scene of profound economic inequality, it cultivated an authoritarian, patriarchal, biomedical discourse on psychic normality.

Eugenics
Psychic
Ideology
Sociology
Gender studies
Technocracy
Human sexuality
Context (archaeology)
Psychoanalysis
Psychology
Politics
Political science
Medicine
History
Law


From the 1920s to the Italian Miracle: the Political Discourse of La cucina italiana

Histoire Politique Revue du Centre d'histoire de Sciences Po 56 | 2025 Au croisement de l'histoire politique et de l'histoire de

This paper analyses La cucina italiana, one of Italy’s most influential cookery magazines, with a focus on how it constructed gender roles between 1929 and the 1970s. It examines how La cucina italiana navigated the tension between domesticity and female employment by offering competing images of women: as nurturing mothers or as participants in the workforce. Drawing on gender and food studies, the paper investigates how the magazine’s representations of women changed under different political regimes: Fascism, post-war reconstruction and the Republic. While La cucina italiana shared similarities with other women’s magazines in guiding female readers within socially acceptable boundaries, its focus on food enabled it to appeal to a wider audience, transcending class and gender. The magazine’s long-standing national presence amplified its role in normalising gender binaries and domestic ideologies, although multiple, and sometimes contradictory, models of femininity coexisted. In La cucina italiana, culinary recipes often served as metaphors for the construction of idealised femininity within Italy’s evolving social context.

Miracle
Politics
Political science
Humanities
Economic history
History
Art
Law


China in African Americans’ Pursuit of Equality during the Second World War

Sichuan International Studies University, China

China
Political science
History
Development economics
Economics
Law


The 1931 oath turning point in Italian universities: interpretations, perspectives, summary

DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals)

In January 1932 Balbino Giuliano, minister of Educazione nazionale, announced that only 12 Italian university professors had refused the oath imposed by the fascist government. Those professors rightly became paradigms of moral uprightness and antifascist coherence. However, areas of shadow remain on other ostracisms that before and after 1931 struck scholars and researchers ‒ often at the beginning of their academic career ‒, who were determined not to accept political blackmail. In other words, the oath of 1931 was certainly an exemplar strategy of enslavement of scholars in the context of fascist dictatorship, but it must be inserted in a long process of fascism, a work in progress that shaped academic communities, creating fields of tension where converged personal, ideological, scientific conflicts. During this process there were also other cases of refusal, less known, but very significant. Only new researches in university and institutional archives stressed with autobiographic memories can give back this evolution and can help us to measure and evaluate the Italian loss of intellectual energies, cultural and scientific creativity. These one expelled from the places of knowledge, grafted on elsewhere and gave fruit elsewhere.

Oath
Turning point
Point (geometry)
Political science
Engineering ethics
Philosophy
Epistemology
Sociology
Law
Engineering
Aesthetics
Mathematics


„Służyć Bogu, Ojczyźnie i Rodzinie”. Kobiety w faszystowskich Włoszech (1925–1940)

The article focuses on characterizing the ideological assumptions and policies of the fascist movement toward women, and, after 1922, those of the state governed by the National Fascist Party (PNF) and, above all, by Benito Mussolini. Women’s equality, among other things, was established in the initial period of fascism when its left wing was strong. Gradually over time as the movement came to power and especially after taking it in 1922, Il Duce and the party embraced conservative, nationalist social and economic policies that referred to the great Roman past in a desire to reconstruct the empire and increase the number of Italian citizens that would be newly formed Italian fascists. To achieve this goal, especially after 1925 when the totalitarian state and society was being built, the regime pursued a policy of the total control and subordination of women to the state and the system. Divorce, abortion, and the sale of contraceptives were banned, the “excessive education” of girls and the possibility of woman undertaking professional work were limited, while the roles of women in society as mothers, wives, and guardians of the “home” were promoted.

Subordination (linguistics)
Ideology
State (computer science)
Nationalism
Power (physics)
Empire
Period (music)
Political science
Birth control
Gender studies
Sociology
Economic history
Political economy
Law
Politics
History
Population
Demography
Art
Philosophy
Family planning


BUBANJ MEMORIAL PARK: A MEMORIAL TO THE VICTIMS OF NAZI TERROR AND MASS EXECUTIONS IN WORLD WAR II

Institut de Recherche sur l'Architecture Antique Université Lumière Lyon 2

Facta Universitatis Series Law and Politics

The "Bubanj" Memorial complex, locate on Bubanj Hill at the outskirts of Niš, was built with the aim of marking the site of mass executions of the innocent victims of Nazism in the Second World War. It is a symbol of suffering but also of resistance, struggle and desire for freedom, embodied in the symbolic depiction of three huge clenched fists. The "Three fists” symbolize resistance and defiance against fascism. They are a recurrent reminder of the importance of freedom as the supreme human value. The paper first briefly presents the eugenics policy, which was the ideological basis of Nazism and ferocious Nazi crimes. Then, the authors outline the historical circumstances leading to the establishment of the Concentration Camp Crveni krst in Niš and Bubanj Hill as the execution site. The central part of the paper focuses on the construction of the Bubanj memorial complex, its importance in the post-war Yugoslav society, and its current position on the cultural map of Serbia. While calling attention to the agony sustained by victims of Nazi terror in these parts of Serbia, the authors highlight the strength and resilience of the people who endeavored to preserve and defend freedom and right to dignified life as ultimate human values.

Nazism
World War II
Political science
Criminology
History
Psychology
Law


Epistemological Foundations of Transmarxism

Humanism
Marxist philosophy
Materialism
Capitalism
Sociology
Historical materialism
Praxis
Epistemology
Queer theory
Queer
Politics
Aesthetics
Philosophy
Gender studies
Law
Political science
Theology


Rituals of Colonial Memory: Crafting Imperial Nostalgia in Republican Italy

Colonialism
Ancient history
History
Art
Archaeology


"A Body without Labels": Anton Giulio Bragaglia and the Search for the Dancer-Actor in Fascist Italy

Dance
Movie theater
Art
Choreography
Militant
Supporter
Art history
Action (physics)
Power (physics)
Visual arts
Period (music)
Aesthetics
History
Politics
Law
Political science


Sovereignty, state of exception, and the politics of the pandemic: Where is Agamben now?

Roskilde University
Roskilde University, Roskilde, Denmark

State of exception
Sovereignty
Politics
Pandemic
State (computer science)
Political science
State of emergency
Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19)
Political economy
Law
Sociology
Medicine


Bringing Columbus home: Buffalo soldiers, representation, and transatlantic memory of the Italian campaign in WWII

American History, University of Gloucestershire, Cheltenham, UK

Following victory in Europe in World War II, African American troops of the Ninety-Second Infantry Division took part in a symbolic but relatively unknown ceremony returning the ashes of Christopher Columbus to the Italian city of Genoa. This event encapsulates the complicated experiences of the ‘Buffalo’ soldiers in Italy and their legacies. While the role of this rare Black combat unit was camouflaged by the mainstream press, for African Americans the Division captivated the hopes of ‘racial uplift’ that could come via the ideals of the ‘Double Victory’ against Fascism at home and abroad. While the patriotic character of the ceremony obscured the achievements of Black combat troops, the article suggests that veterans were active in agents in shaping ‘Double V’ memories which held Black patriotism and achievement in tension with the struggles they faced as African Americans in a segregated military. Importantly, by examining the return visits to Genoa alongside oral histories, the article argues these memories had a clear transatlantic dimension, which were underpinned by ideas of ‘colorblind’ Italians. The memories worked to underline the American identity of Black soldiers while acting as long-term reminders of American racism in the War.

Victory
Ceremony
History
World War II
Racism
Vietnam War
Law
Sociology
Gender studies
Political science
Politics


Once again on modernity: reflections on ideology and politics

Dr. Sci. (Social and Polit. Sci., University of Cambridge), independent scholar, Cambridge, UK

Полис Политические исследования

The purpose of this paper is to conduct a historical and exegetical analysis of two sets of ideologies that influence the current political climate of the world: modern and postmodern. The paper argues that the ideational substance of both groups of ideologies is frequently conflated in the political discourse of not only Russia, but also numerous other nations. The discussion argues that liberalism as the predominant and fundamental ideology of modernity can be divided into two distinct categories – modern and postmodern – both of which exhibit significant differences and, in many ways, oppose each other. In addition, the paper reinforces the point that classical liberalism of modernity serves as the ideological basis of the entire modern era. Fascism, on the other hand, is often considered an ideology of modernity, while this article argues that it serves as the fundamental basis of postmodernity and the watershed ideology between the two eras. Finally, the paper observes that Russia, as well as many countries of the global South, are gravitating towards modern ideological constructions, and that an important way forward would be to reinvent and reintroduce the paradigm of modernity in the contemporary postmodern world. In Russia, some academic debates on this issue are underway

Modernity
Ideology
Politics
Sociology
Political science
Aesthetics
Gender studies
Philosophy
Law


The Wrath to Come: ‘Gone with the Wind’ and the Lies America Tells by Sarah Churchwell (review)


Turning points and transformations in contemporary Italy: a century of big changes through ‘small histories’

History and the Humanities, John Cabot University, Rome, Italy

Department of Economic and Social History, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria

Abstract This special issue stems from the 2022 Association for the Study of Modern Italy conference, reflecting on key turning points in modern Italian history through the lens of ‘small histories’. Drawing on contemporary international historiography and the contributions in the present volume, this introduction discusses how microhistorical, biographical and related approaches may challenge or refine dominant interpretations in that they abstract from ‘grand narratives’ to instead highlight dynamics and actors that may appear to be on the margins of major historical processes. The studies in this special issue engage in particular with the intersections of identity, space and memory. Themes such as Fascism, the reshaping of Italian identity through cultural policies and the creation of a collective memory, colonialism and postcolonialism, migration and evolving gender roles are explored in diverse contexts from interwar South Tyrol through to contemporary Palermo. Together, these ‘small histories’ demonstrate the methodological and interpretative richness of focused studies in tracing Italy’s transformation across the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. They challenge binaries such as centre–periphery and local–global, while shedding new light on the relation between individual experiences and the creation of shared spaces, memories and identities.


Today We Fly, Tomorrow We Fall: William Faulkner’s<i>Pylon</i>in Fascist Italy

Ideology
Resistance (ecology)
Theme (computing)
Period (music)
Relevance (law)
History
Publishing
Literature
Field (mathematics)
Classics
Politics
Aesthetics
Art
Law
Political science


Giorgia Meloni — the New Prime Minister of Italy: “a Woman, a Christian, an Italian”

Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation

Prime minister
Politics
Opposition (politics)
Disappointment
Political science
Law
Power (physics)
Lower house
Economic history
Political economy
Sociology
History
Parliament


“With Fichte in His Field Pack” to the “Metapolitical” Front

Freie Universität Berlin, Fachbereich Philosophie und Geisteswissenschaften , Grunewaldstraße 34 , Berlin Deutschland

Front (military)
Field (mathematics)
Philosophy
Physics
Mathematics
Meteorology
Pure mathematics


Urban Transformation of Authoritarian Spaces within the Framework of Urban Planning

Polytechnic University of Tirana, Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, Blv. Zogu I, P.62/2, Ap.12;  National Territorial Planning Agency of Albania

Journal of Progress in Civil Engineering

The modern history of Albania has undergone through different epochs of totalitarian regimes, which have influenced in different ways the urban texture of the cities. Today there is an emergent need for Conservation and wise management of dissonant heritage of 20th century. This study deals with the transformation of some of the main squares in Tirana in order to understand and evaluate the architectural aspects of totalitarian architecture, which in Albania consists in coexistence between Fascism and Communism. How did ideology affect their architecture, how did they affect the city and how they are managing the changes of their initial program and adapting in a transitory economy, are some of the questions that is dealt with. The city squares were the first, which were submitted to democratic changes, although they were constructed following a different political ideology. After over two decades of democracy, the totalitarian past is slowly fading in memory of the citizens. Cities try to reinvent their self’s and adapt rapidly to the new circumstances often by ignoring the existing contexts, which during this period has been systematically alienated. In particular analyzing Scanderbeg Square architecture emerge facts that demonstrate that this alienation happened also in the totalitarian past that somehow has affected the present conditions.

Ideology
Authoritarianism
Architecture
Democracy
Politics
Alienation
Sociology
Political economy
Political science
Aesthetics
Economic system
History
Law
Economics
Art
Archaeology


Not going 'pop': the aesthetic criticism of early British Maoism

Proletariat
Criticism
Communism
Ideology
Aesthetics
Politics
Left-wing politics
Tower of Babel
History
Sociology
Literature
Political science
Law
Art


THE POLITICS OF MEMORY OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN KAZAKHSTAN AND KYRGYZSTAN IN THE CONTEXT OF FOREIGN POLICY IDENTITY

Вестник Пермского университета Политология

This article examines the politics of memory of the war and the victory over fascism as an important element of the foreign policy identity of the post-Soviet countries. The key actors in this policy are heads of state, who develop rhetoric and actions relating to the representation of collective memory, while considering the choice of foreign policy strategy. The article is based on the congratulatory speeches delivered by the presidents of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan on the occasion of Victory Day, commemorating the Great Patriotic War. The author notes that, the presidents of Kyrgyzstan emphasise their connection with Russia by referencing the Great Patriotic War. Kazakhstan's presidents place importance on preserving memory, honouring their ancestors, safeguarding sovereignty and independence, and since 2022, peace. It is concluded that there is a visible similarity in cultural and humanitarian policies, including respect for the memory of the Great Patriotic War, preservation of the state status of the Russian language, etc. However, the politics of memory and its value aspects are influenced by different aspects of foreign policy strategy. While Kyrgyzstan continues to align its cultural and humanitarian policies with Russia, political actors in Kazakhstan are striving to develop a multi-vector policy, as evidenced by the presidents' rhetoric emphasising ideas of sovereignty.

Politics
Identity (music)
Context (archaeology)
Foreign policy
Political science
Politics of memory
World War II
Political economy
Gender studies
Sociology
History
Law
Art
Aesthetics
Archaeology


The causes and preventions of extremism in the light Fiqh Al Sirah

Extremism is a wrong & inflexible behavior of an individual or nation.Leaving the path of moderation is also extremism.Extremists do not have the strength to tolerate opposing thinking, ideology & belief.People with such thoughts just want to convince their own ideas.Due to extremism, ethnicism, sectarianism & racism, there are so many problems in this world.Due to extremism, this world has been destroyed many times.In twentieth & twentyfirst centuries, because of extremist ideologies of communism, capitalism & fascism, the peace & order of the whole world is in ruins. Extremism grows in different areas for different reasons. One reason is the lack of proper justice system. When the influential criminals of the society do not get caught by the law & they escape from the clutches of the law by using various tactics, extremism arises in society. Other reasons include ignorance or lack of education, social exploitation, poverty, hunger & lack of interfaith harmony, corruption & social injustice.The only solution to extremism, ethnicism, sectarianism & racism is to promote Islamic teachings.Islamic teachings include equality of human being & brotherhood, interfaith harmony, giving equal status to all prophets, gentleness & tolerance.It is fact that if extremism can be eradicated from this world, then this world can become like paradise.

Fiqh
Criminology
Computer security
Psychology
Computer science
Islam
Philosophy
Theology
Sharia


Revisiting Civic Nationalism in the 21st Century: Role in Liberal Democracy

Reserch Fellow LIGHTS Reserch Foundation, New Delhi

Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research)

Abstract Civic nationalism emerged as a new idea of nation-building in 1970s Canada in the backdrop of end of the second world war, followed by downfall of fascism and beginning of globalization. Civic nationalism as a concept ought to replace the dominant prevalence of ethno-centric nationalism which focuses on ethnic and other personal identities as the basis of a nation’s foundation. The supporters of ethnic nationalism are also the proponents of classical nationalism who believe in homogenized national identity, i.e., citizens belonging to same cultural groups or non-titular groups merging into the titular groups to create the homogeneity. The proponents of civic nationalism, on the other hand, argue for shifting emphasis from ethno-centric identities of nation-building and focuses on the requirements of modern democracies in an increasingly globalized world. While ethnic identities of groups living inside a national boundary play its role in national politics, they argue that it is the civic identities and duties of each citizen that should be the basis of national identity and nation-building. In this context, it is important to understand the place of civic nationalism in the modern, liberal states of the 21st century. The effectiveness of civic nationalism has to be measured by studying some of the world’s most vibrant liberal democratic states.

Nationalism
Democracy
Political science
Liberal democracy
Political economy
Sociology
Law
Politics


CARL SCHMITT AND FRIEDRICH HAYEK ON DEMOCRACY: ELECTIVE AFFINITIES?

Ionian University, Department of History, Corfu, Greece

The aim of the present paper is to disclose the structural affinities between Carl Schmitt and Friedrich Hayek regarding the concept of parliamentary democracy. Identifying Hayek’s neoliberal thinking with Schmitt’s theoretical justification of fascism would apparently be an a-historical overgeneralization. While Schmitt develops a model of absolute sovereignty relying on the sovereign’s decision on the state of exception, Hayek envisages the historical realization of those conditions allowing the market competition to flourish. Schmitt’s model subjugates market to an omnipotent state whereas Hayek views the latter as an engine abetting the free market competition.
 A closer reading, however, could discern affinities behind the seemingly opposed models of the two thinkers.
 Schmitt’s model of an emergency dictatorship and Hayek’s nomocracy are two different responses and attacks to the Left’s attempt to construct a democratic welfare state in the Weimar Republic and postwar Europe. Schmitt advocates the concentration of political power in a totalitarian state as the sole “remedy” to the democratic contamination of liberalism induced by the politicization of civil society. Similarly, Hayek castigates any state intervention taking the form of the welfare state but endorses a powerful state entrusted with the role of securing the conditions of market competition.

Affinities
Democracy
Philosophy
Epistemology
Law and economics
Positive economics
Economics
Political science
Law
Biology
Politics


From the ‘Nobleman’s Sword’ to the ‘Flag of the Fascist Ideals’

Panteion University Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Department of Political Science and Modern History Greece Athens

Abstract This article examines the ideological trajectory of Ioannis Metaxas and his intellectual Weltanschauung . It argues that he was strongly influenced by several German developments, including the Kultur vs. Zivilisation debate. Furthermore, from the 1920s he explicitly transformed key fascist ideas and drew on those of the ‘Conservative Revolution’. It shows that Metaxas addressed all key historical developments, from the turn of the century, to the establishment of his dictatorship, to the Second World War, through his ideological and intellectual prism: national reconstruction and palingenesis and a new cultural orientation for the Greek nation. Metaxas’s thinking is examined from its formative period in Germany (1899–1903) to his dictatorship (1936–1941). The methodological framework draws on the work of Peter Wagner, who conceives the period from 1870 to 1940 as the heyday of the ‘first crisis of modernity’; the work of Roger Griffin, Aristotle Kallis, and António Costa Pinto centred around the palingenetic, modernist dynamic of fascism; and finally, the notion of ‘intellectual appropriation of technology’ developed by Mikael Hård and Andrew Jamison.

Ideology
Dictatorship
Period (music)
German
Modernization theory
Modernity
History
Philosophy
Sociology
Law
Political science
Politics
Aesthetics
Democracy


Reflections on my work and on rhetoric as a methodology

Department of Media and Communication, Loughborough University, United Kingdom

Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique

Argumentation theory
Rhetorical question
Rhetoric
Feeling
Work (physics)


Giampaolo Pansa and his contribution to the collective memory of Italians

The article examines the contribution of the Italian journalist and historian Giampaolo Pansa to the Italian collective memory. The definition of the concept of "collective trauma", as well as "structural violence" is given. The work also deals with the consequences of the fascist regime on Italian identity, expressed in cultural trauma. A historiographical review of two books by J. Pansa, who made a great impression on the Italians, as he was the first to decide to tell about the mutual two-sided arbitrariness of winners and losers that took place in Italy during the civil War of 1943–1945. For a long time it was forbidden to talk about this conflict in Italy about what the traumatized consciousness did not allow to remember. The silence that Italy was struck by eventually played a bad role for the Italians. Having abruptly left the fascist worldview, having abruptly changed their identity from totalitarian to democratic, the Italians were afraid to work through this trauma, not wanting to remember the lynching and arbitrariness committed by many of those who were considered and rightfully considered heroes. Moreover, many families who were associated with fascism or simply adhered to these views were afraid to talk about them because of the risk of retaliation.

Arbitrariness
Collective memory
Silence
Historiography
Collective identity
Consciousness
Identity (music)
Spanish Civil War
Democracy
History
Sociology
The Holocaust
Law
Aesthetics
Epistemology
Philosophy
Political science
Politics


Challenging race, gender, and class in Fascist and postwar Italy. Biographical notes on Elena Sengal (1911–1962)

Department of Political Science, Communication and International Relations, University of Macerata, Macerata, Italy

Department of History, Maynooth University, Ireland

Abstract Our essay aims to offer a biography of Elena Sengal (1911–1962), an Italian citizen of Ethiopian origin, whose life offers important elements to better understand both Fascist and postwar Italy. Elena was born into an Italo-Ethiopian family and became an Italian citizen after the naturalisation of her father, Sengal Workneh, a former Italian colonial subject and a lecturer in Amharic and Tigrinya at the Istituto Orientale in Naples. She grew up in Naples where she graduated and later held a teaching position, following in her father’s footsteps. When in 1939 her partner, Guido Cucci, fell in Ethiopia fighting the Ethiopian resistance, Elena found herself alone with a newborn child and struggled to make a living. Her life did not improve with the end of Fascism. Indeed, in postwar Italy it became so unbearable that she relocated to Ethiopia. However, racism and exclusion accompanied her life in the East African country too. This biography is based on archival materials as well as a body of personal letters of Elena Sengal, kindly made available by her granddaughter Maria Elena Cucci.

Race (biology)
Class (philosophy)
Gender studies
History
Sociology
Genealogy
Art
Art history
Philosophy
Epistemology


“Creativity Does Not Fade, Thought Does Not Dull, and Strength Does Not Diminish”: Foreword to the Publication of P.S. Popov’s Article “Russian Culture and Its Worldwide Historical Significance”. Popov, Pavel S., Russian Culture and Its Worldwide Historical Significance, Publication and Comments by Irina O. Shchedrina, Angelina I. Semenova

Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University
Financial University


The Fascist Politics and Literary Criticism in Wyndham Lewis’s Left Wings Over Europe: Or, How to Make a War About Nothing (1936)

Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran

Journal of Critical Studies in language and literature

The current paper aims to examine Wyndham Lewis’s provocative work entitled Left Wings Over Europe: Or, How to Make a War About Nothing (1936), through the lens of fascist politics and literary criticism. Not only does this paper analyze the pre-war hysteria prevalent in England at the time, but also emphasizes the importance of understanding the true nature of fascism and argues that efforts to achieve widespread recognition of this reality could prevent the World War II. In Left Wings Over Europe, Lewis portrays leftist ideologies as immobilizing forces responsible for initiating high political tension and navigating Europe toward gratuitous violence. The paper explains the ideological clashes and internal divisions among leftist groups, raising questions about the substance and effectiveness of their agendas through the dual lenses of fascist politics and literary criticism to accentuate how Lewis exploits the potentiality of literary form and rhetorical strategies to endorse his political ideology. It will also demonstrate that the discursive representation of a fascist model of authoritarian leadership and political opposition groups are inextricably bound up with each other to promote the values nationalism, the continuity and stability, and political preservation.

Nothing
Politics
Criticism
Art
Literary criticism
Art history
Literature
Political science
Philosophy
Law
Epistemology


The Fascist Foreign Policy: Some considerations of Mussolini’s Fascist Ideology

Ideology
Communism
Politics
Doctrine
Foreign policy
State (computer science)
Law
Political science
Economic history
Persecution
Period (music)
Political economy
Sociology
Religious studies
History
Philosophy
Aesthetics


Sordid mysticism, decadent poverty: On two episodes of Franciscan aesthetics in Italy’s modernism (Savinio 1946; D’Annunzio 1926)

Journal of Italian Cinema and Media Studies

Mysticism
Modernism (music)
Art
Literature
Aesthetics


WORKING WITH THE IMAGINARY IN THE FASCIST AND COMMUNIST SOCIETIES AND OVERCOMING SOCIAL HETERONOMY IN THE THEORY OF C. CASTORIADIS

Professor of the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of Polish Academy of Sciences

The article raises the question of fundamental identification and difference between the totalitarian regimes of fascism/Nazism and com- munism, followed by a discussion of their status in the first period of the post-Soviet political transit. The main arguments in favour of identifying both types of totalitarianism and marking fundamental moments of dis- tinction were reflected in the polemic of A. Besançon and L. Kołakowski. Criticism of the totalitarianism of fascist and communist types in the works of the French philosopher of Greek origin Cornelius Castoriadis al- lows seeing the features that connect most totalitarian regimes despite the difference in their ideological programs, which can represent a cer- tain threat even for modern societies. It also highlights those points of the Russian (Soviet) project of Communist society that allow differentiating between the Nazi and Communistic types of the Imaginary. Finally, the article considers the main types of public heteronomy, characteristic of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, as well as the neoliberal model of consumption society. According to Castoriadis, they are contrary to the ideas of social emancipation, replacing it with their principles of (pseudo) rational domination, against which his own project of collective social au- tonomy stands.

The Imaginary
Heteronomy
Communism
Authoritarianism
Emancipation
Ideology
Politics
Nazism
Socialism
Gulag
Political science
Sociology
Political economy
Law
Autonomy
Democracy
Psychoanalysis


Ettore Romagnoli,<i>rievocatore</i>of ancient Greek drama

Universidade de Coimbra, Centro de Estudos Clássicos e Humanísticos (CECH) , Coimbra , Portugal

Drama
Ancient Greek
Art
Dismissal
Literature
Politics
Classics
Law


HISTORICAL ANTIFASCISM AND THE GLOBAL LEFT

ABSTRACT Joseph Fronczak's Everything Is Possible: Antifascism and the Left in the Age of Fascism presents antifascism in the 1920s and 1930s as a universal cause that united people across social and ideological divides, creating the discursive framework for the global Left we know today. It revises standard accounts according to which the Left originated either with the Atlantic revolutions circa 1800 or with the international workers’ movement that took shape in the late nineteenth century. This article accepts the weak form of the book's argument that the antifascist era was remarkably creative and essential for understanding the development of today's Left. However, it rejects the strong form of the argument that dissociates the Left from any prior history in the revolutionary tradition or the workers’ movement. To complement the book's discursive analysis of languages of the Left, this article outlines a structural analysis of antisystemic opposition in the contexts of global capitalism, imperialism, and mass politics. What results is a long‐term concept of the Left that, among other things, highlights the promise and pitfalls of antifascist populism. The core problem of defining the Left is accounting for the historical disjuncture between unity of antisystemic consciousness and unity of organized action.

Ideology
New Left
Politics
Capitalism
Opposition (politics)
Argument (complex analysis)
Left behind
Sociology
Epistemology
Political science
Philosophy
Law


The Poets of Rapallo: How Mussolini’s Italy Shaped British, Irish, and U.S. Writers by Lauren Arrington, and: Ezra Pound, Italy, and ‘The Cantos’ by Massimo Bacigalupo (review)

Pound (networking)
Irish
Classics
Art
Literature
History
Art history
Philosophy
Linguistics


“The cleanest, neatest, most effectively operating piece of social machinery I’ve ever seen”: On the reception of Fascist corporatism in the USA

Forum Italicum A Journal of Italian Studies

In the era between the two world wars, the spread of corporatist laws and institutions in many countries, flourishing mostly in the 1930s, was marked by a transnational hybridization of projects and experiences. Against this background, the Italian corporatist state became a milestone for many intellectuals and politicians not only in Europe but also on the American continent. This article deals with the transatlantic influence of the corporatist Fascist laboratory, focusing on the reception of this political option and the debate about it in New Deal's United States. In particular, some case studies will be considered to observe how corporatism was a key factor in legitimizing Fascism even in democratic circles, despite the criticisms of the Italian regime from anti-fascists in exile. In USA, in fact, the impact of the Great Depression increased the popularity of this alternative, partly because Italy seemed less affected by the economic crisis than other states. While in the 1920s the Fascist corporatist experiment had drawn the attention of some secondary intellectuals, in the 1930s it became a matter of reflection even within President Franklin Roosevelt's progressive entourage. For example, economist Rexford Tugwell wrote in his diary that Italian corporatist order was “The cleanest, neatest, most effectively operating piece of social machinery I’ve ever seen. It makes me envious.”

Corporatism
Popularity
Politics
Flourishing
Political science
Economic history
Great Depression
Political economy
State (computer science)
Milestone
Democracy
History
Sociology
Law


Race, Rights and Reform: Black Activism in the French Empire and the United States from World War I to the Cold War by Sarah Dunstan

Empire
Politics
Racism
Civilization
History
Law
Classics
Sociology
Political science


The feat of the home front workers of the «Alaska - Siberia» ferry route

Saint Petersburg State University of Civil Aviation named in honor of Air Chief Marshal A.A. Novikov

During the Great Patriotic War, the entire Soviet people stood up to defend their homeland. All the resources of the country were mobilized to repulse the enemy. The paper is devoted to home front workers who during the Great Patriotic War carried out an important task of the State Defense Committee to arrange the supply of combat aircraft under lend-lease from the United States to the Soviet Union along a shorter route through Alaska, Chukotka, Eastern Siberia to Krasnoyarsk and further to the front, where fighters and bombers were needed, which the Red Army badly needed, especially in the initial period of the war. In harsh climatic and natural conditions, inaccessible deserted areas, where delivery of equipment and building materials was difficult, aviation specialists and local residents managed to build airfields in a short time, the construction of which would have taken 5 years in peaceful time. The pilots of the Alaska-Siberia ferry route, showing courage and heroism, made flights in extreme conditions, mastered new equipment and eliminated malfunctions of American aircraft, poorly adapted to work in low temperatures. The flight crew, aviation specialists and local residents did everything to help the front and defeat fascism.

Crew
Front (military)
Homeland
Aviation
Adversary
Aeronautics
Artillery
Spanish Civil War
Courage
State (computer science)
History
Political science
Law
Engineering
Archaeology
Geography
Meteorology
Computer security
Politics


University College London  Gower St London WC1E 6BT United Kingdom

University College London, Gower St, London, WC1E 6BT United Kingdom

My essay has several connected histories to unravel about the construction and use of new forms of informational and mediated control by elite groups to secure new political and economic realities. It is part of a longer project on the political history of “the digital” as a modality of a specific praxis of control. “Prediction Machines” began as an experiment in writing a history of the present with “the backward-directed glance of the historian” that unraveled over time into a genealogy of the state and commercial orchestration of information, prediction, and mediation to control populations.1 In this short essay my focus is on the period from 2007 onwards, but the longer project from which it is drawn unravels backwards to explore the histories of information, governmentality, capital, and control across the deep histories of racialized capitalism. Our present pivots around the years 2007-8. In 2007, for example, research efforts to explore the way information spreads online, and what this information reveals about people, began as a series of collaborative projects between scholars working in computational social sciences (and the emergent field of “psychometrics”) alongside researchers from the U.S. and U.K. military and from digital information technology industries. One of the first experiments created an “Application” on the newly created Facebook platform that gave users a standardized personality test designed to “measure” five significant components of “personality.”2 Users taking the test could opt in to share scores and their Facebook profiles, enabling researchers to correlate “personality” and profile. Over time this meant that “personality type” could be predicted from the information given by people freely to Facebook. “Private traits and attributes are predictable from digital records of human behavior,” the title of a widely cited 2013 paper written collaboratively by researchers in the academy and industry, illustrates concisely the results of the experiment.3 Corresponding research suggested that tabulating what people “Like” on Facebook (after the company introduced the feature in 2009 to gather more lucrative data about people) can accurately predict “traits and attributes.”4 In the midst of this research, beginning in 2008, the Minerva Initiative of the U.S. Department of Defense distributed millions of dollars to support social science research exploring the ways data and influence can be leveraged to facilitate “US strategic interests globally.”5 One of the projects aimed to “develop new dynamic statistical network techniques … that can be leveraged … to alter the distribution of power … or stabilize or destabilize communities.”6 In 2011, the US Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) began a four-year program exploring “Social Media in Strategic Communication” as part of an expansive re-tooling of “counterinsurgency” and “psychological operations” for the digital era in the ongoing “War on Terror.”7 9/11 in 2001 obviously played a key role in the creation of a new border-security and “data analytics” praxis. In 2012, similarly, the 15 (U.K.) Psychological Operations Group, part of the British military, imported a “Targeted Audience Analysis” methodology developed by a commercial psychological operations organization called Strategic Communication Laboratories (SCL) into its practices of “counter-terrorism” and “counter-radicalization.”8 In 2013, the patented form of “audience analysis” gathering data to produce predictions about “insurgents” was deployed by the U.K. Defense Science and Technology Laboratory to shape communication and media directed towards young Islamic populations.9 Collectively, this research and practice (henceforth praxis) shared out across academic, corporate, and military institutions and interests gathered pace after 2007 and the birth of “social media” (and indeed the “smartphone”) and demonstrated that the information people give and leave online could reveal “personality” and be used to generate predictions to pre-emptively affect attitudes and conduct. In the process, counterinsurgent “psychological operations” innovated to control dissident (often racialized) populations and ensure the security of “strategic interests” fused with the commercial practices of data extraction and “psychometric” modelling integral to “surveillance” and “platform capitalism” to become routine everyday practices. The “government” of conduct crisscrossed state and commercial praxis. In 2007, to continue the example and exploration of the threads of the history of the present, the commercial psychological operations company SCL was paid by a private U.S. military contractor to develop a “motivation and segmentation profile” of populations in two “lawless” provinces of Yemen.10 Counterinsurgent control (of a state on the borders of oil-rich Saudi Arabia and the Suez Canal shipping route) proceeded through analysis of the country’s communication and media system. In turn, SCL deployed its patented Targeted Audience Analysis “unique behavioral methodology” to “identify” which aspects of the “non-Desired behavior” of the population “can best be challenged.”11 In 2011, the company deployed this methodology to monitor “unrest” across the Middle East during the “Arab Spring,” and in U.K. missions in Libya and Afghanistan.12 In 2013, the same company, growing wealthy from lucrative military contracts in the War on Terror and the control of the “revolt of the public,” was contracted by the Trinidad Ministry of National Security to find ways of predicting crime and disorder.13 Mobilizing its “Targeted Audience Analysis” methodology, SCL operatives tapped directly into the live feeds of the Internet Service Providers in the country and began correlating this data with social media profiles and offline information such as censuses and credit data to discern “personality.” It was a practice of data rendition where the ghost traces of experience were secretly extracted (and exchanged by the company with others in the frantic search for more data) to be rendered into algorithms determining personality and producing predictions about people and security.14 Raw material (in the form of private information) was stolen, extracted, and mined to be processed into the valuable commodity of prediction. Over time, these predictions about personality and conduct were built into self-learning algorithms to trigger the automated sharing of messages and media designed specifically to influence people.15 One other related example. In 2016, a spin-off of SCL (financed by a radical libertarian investment banker and built from Facebook data gathered during the experimental psychometric research emerging from 2007) worked directly alongside Facebook and the Republican Party in the U.S. election of that year to gather data to enable prediction and the automated sharing of media designed to dissuade Black citizens from voting.16 In that same year, 2016, similar practices in the British referendum about membership of the European Union mobilized information to build predictive models to “flood the zone” with around 1.5 billion “dark ads” directed personally to people on Facebook in the last week of the campaign urging citizens to Take Back Control from refugees, migrants, and “globalists.”17 In all these examples, and countless others from around 2007 onwards, information extracted principally from “digital media” produces predictions about the future interest or conduct of populations that triggers media to marshal influence. Crucially, these populations (stretching from “Yemeni terrorists” and “Trinidadian criminals” to “Young British Muslims” and “Black American citizens”) are assumed to lack sovereignty, or the capacity for self-government, and to present problems of security that must be foreclosed by the deployment of information, prediction, and media. Out of this praxis emerged a new paradigm of control.18 It did not begin here, certainly, and one central genealogical thread of the longer project of which this essay is a part traces out connections between imperial counterinsurgency and digital control. But it accelerated and intensified. 2007/8 is the key turning point, after the growth of social media and the research and practice demonstrating its utility for prediction, influence, and control. In the “data rush” that ensued across those two years, Facebook became a “platform”;19 Google spent $3.1 billion to buy a targeted-advertising company that tracked people’s movements across the Internet;20 and the “exceptional” and extraordinarily expansive PRISM project of the U.S. National Security Agency began collecting and analyzing “Internet communication” as a component of the global counterinsurgency project (to foster “security” and “control”) that expanded after 2001 and the declaration of War on Terror.21 In 2008, also, Barack Obama’s “App” was one of the first integrated into the new Facebook platform, making use of the pools of data in the company’s “social graph,” and the success of this sparked the systematic use of the informational, predictive, and influential possibilities of “social media” by political organizations.22 It is certainly a long eight years from Obama’s success in “the first Facebook election” to “Project Alamo” in 2016 using information and media to disenfranchise Black citizens. Or to the circulation of billions of media texts on the Facebook platform using behavioral data and predictive algorithms and designed specifically to mobilize affect (broadly about “security” and “control”) to reorder political and economic reality. Obama’s election in 2008 coincided with the collapse of the financialized economy in the U.S. triggering a global economic crisis and the most recent episode of the “primitive accumulation” of looting, enclosure, and predation ontological to capitalism.23 (In brief, the algorithms offsetting risk failed to discern systemic risk because of the perverse incentives of “sub-prime” mortgages “designed such that they would almost inevitably fail” targeted at poor racialized populations, who had their homes foreclosed, and in response the state bailed out financial entities and enforced austerity on populations.)24 The state bailing out banks and insurance corporations while enforcing austerity on populations was one obvious example of the dictates of liberalism overriding that of democracy, and simple illustration of the reality of capital’s control of government.25 In the years since then, in “the ruins of neo-liberalism,” a bloc of what I shall for the moment call “radical liberals” began using the new affordances of information and mediation to fashion predictive control.26 One simple concrete example is the fore-mentioned spin-off company from the British psychological operations outfit SCL, called Cambridge Analytica, central to “Project Alamo” and the “Brexit” referendum, and financed by a libertarian billionaire hedge-fund CEO waging war against taxation and government.27 In the U.S., and U.K., the principal agendas for a trans-Atlantic libertarian bloc have been the degradation and “deconstruction” of government broadly to foster “freedom” from regulations on capital. Often these radical liberals oppose taxation to contribute to the public good, as well as regulations designed to protect shared environments, and espouse positions opposed to the liberal-democratic paradigm that precariously balanced “liberty” with the “equality” essential to democracy and the operations of popular sovereignty. In the U.S., a radical libertarian praxis grew from the early 1970s in direct opposition to Civil Rights and school desegregation and governmental efforts to facilitate racial equality.28 Put simply, the libertarians oppose the ideal of equality and its political form of democracy and work to disable government projects to foster egalitarianism (like public schooling or health care) and to “protect capitalism from government.”29 In the aftermath of 2008, and the fracturing of economic and political order, a complex transatlantic bloc of libertarian ethno-nationalists opposed to government, equality, and (often incoherently) globalization seized some of the means of informational and mediated control to degrade democracy and shape new political and economic realities. (Broadly, one can see this history as the fracturing of the “neoliberal” order established from the 1970s, which continues in sclerotic and zombie-like fashion, despite its failures and the escalating crises of economic and political order.)30 In 2016, after “Project Alamo” and “Brexit,” the parameters of these practices of informational and mediated control became clearer, and in the years since then journalists, government commissioners, scholars, and filmmakers have explored the myriad ways “bot networks,” “astroturfing,” microtargeting, disinformation, and more, were wielded by blocs of elites to fracture and re-order reality. It bears emphasizing that the battering of the idea and practice of government was a concerted effort, many years in the making, to use capital translated into control of information and media to foster the deregulation of capital in the name of “liberty” and “freedom.” Put bluntly, in the interests of concision, and borrowing from the philosopher Achille Mbembe, we can describe this as a violent “necropolitical” project, part of a “political order … reconstituting itself as a form of organization for death,” that is designed to protect capital at the expense of people and shared environments.31 It has deep roots, of course, across histories of enslavement, imperialism, and capitalism; and it accelerates in the wake of 2008, amid also the pressing realities of climate breakdown, on the back of informational and mediated control.32 Back now to close to the present. After 2016, too, it became clear that the Russian state had also marshaled information and media to shape political reality.33 Once again, these developments pivot around 2007-8, in the wake of the expropriation of the global financial crisis, when Russia trialed cyberwar in Estonia and the Russian president (the fabulously wealthy Vladimir Putin) rewrote the democratic constitution created after the collapse of the Soviet Union to inaugurate what was called a sovereign democracy.34 It was a term invented by an influential “political technologist” to orchestrate the breakdown of democracy and the fashioning of a new autocratic state system.35 In the wake of fraudulent elections in Russia in 2011 and 2012, political technologists fashioned a media strategy to over-write reality and degrade democracy to sustain oligarchic and kleptocratic control of government. In 2013, this praxis was unleashed in Ukraine, when Russia invaded a state on the verge of joining the European Union and practiced “cyberwar” to degrade reality and and dissident and the Russian state began and information and social media in and the U.S. with the to and of on and automated on Russian digital operatives mobilized behavioral data to media to fracture and degrade the of of to that the Russian state had to the same information from Facebook and (and shared widely across data as well as counterinsurgent and to the new practices of psychometric and Often the media using this information to when the the media by the Republican Party in the U.S. with an of the British psychological operations SCL to disenfranchise Black and social other that of reality is now with and as and by wealthy commercial from the circulation and of In the process, the “psychological operations” innovated to sustain and control racialized populations have become and everyday practices. the new digital media that emerged after the U.S. Internet was in the new and created new for the orchestration of information and influence, the control of established that accelerated from 2007 in some of the ways It a in the of reality and One order (broadly that of began to unravel while emerged call it for the moment digital and this with the of the financialized economy and the of the system. war in Ukraine, and the U.S. is one concrete example of this fracturing of global In the wake of these of and media to blocs of elites broadly incoherently) opposed to and have marshaled capital, information, and media to mobilize populations to re-order political and economic reality. is now a racial grew out of this of and It did not begin here, of course, given the of (of imperialism, of violent by to the deep history of capitalism and but it and grew newly at on and radical growing from this violent racial after 2008 and over into reality and of elites from two of the wealthy by the long histories of and imperialism, by the deep histories of across “the integral to the birth and of called for the of new and the creation of to oppose and degrade and war and economic and climate The of the accelerated after in response to and from of war and climate breakdown, European to their borders into and mobilize digital of global and the fashioning of a of … into for of populations, who a of in order to and the of on the borders of and on the of the U.S., as in the expansive fashioning of a and the of population during the early of 2016, the Back was on British populations by operatives using psychometric It was because it people that had been from because it It to reality had the of European in (to to the of European in the early 1970s, in order to the of but the creation of political this reality with and One feature of this was the of to the of a that the way for the of where wealthy investment could the of against the of (the imperial of the its the of 2016, the circulation of billions of media texts in the U.K. targeted using behavioral information was designed by libertarians with close to and transatlantic libertarian to generate and Put simply, it was a “psychological to a on the longer history of imperial counterinsurgency to control racialized populations that was and into a in the “digital amid the War on Terror and the to in some of the ways of these libertarian groups British about information and campaign to generate information and media to foster and degrade One of the groups for to leave the European Union was for its its campaign to and to to but the to because of “political the to orchestrate information and media to to generate and degrade democracy, not to the of the Russian state the breakdown of and has been the by and media despite the that the referendum has and on the and of One could call this a form of sovereign key to the libertarian political project to the political and economic first established to was the out of social democratic regulations on capital (like those related to and while enforcing on the movements of One of the in the network of transatlantic libertarian integral to the political of the present was to in where and out to the and of It is an to from the of government, the for and key to the way capital is in the financial to of the principal for this is the network of in a transatlantic libertarian to the U.K. from (the European social democracy towards with the U.S., “the country of the deployed One of the key for the U.S. in with the European Union is the information about and over time by the National It is a the in of social democracy in the shape of established in after the of populations at and across the to is to be translated into information used to generate by private and Once again, all that is public must into the too, the control of information at the of political power and the of capital. Over the years the British political elite (and its into It to the of libertarian who of an imperial as the to as one with the reality of and Often the libertarians their out of the with to the complex of where the long history of British imperial from the first of British as “primitive accumulation” in the early to problems of One and in the in the of the libertarian who had in information to degrade democracy and was to the of of and its of this bloc who opposed government and who had to use information and media to degrade democracy, in power on the of the global of that government and the of “liberty” with the for the crisis, it out that the Party had to and the results of a in 2016, and in had a into security because of the escalating of and an with and the of was was as the libertarian ethno-nationalists had all the were by populations, many of migrants, such as those who work in the health and the other and their and from through public billion for example, was given to a commercial organization to a and that failed to the it did produce a of new lucrative data to be and used in ways that are Put bluntly, the and elite libertarians in of the British state became in the to economy over the health of this and government is on by a media of it by billionaire opposed to the idea and practice of government, the the in the one could call this a sovereign a mediated in this of a history of present, and in about other institutions and media and information entities to the health of people … In also, in the from the mediated psychological operations by libertarian ethno-nationalists to power in 2016, one of the key in digital and present, was given the in its the U.S. the media of the billion for the data it to be used by other groups in people, for about and for it the British a to a and its of for the role in democracy and a in the of a company that billion in from predictions about to that to influence But in the aftermath of these to because of the central role Facebook played in democracy, the media its of from when the company became a platform in 2007 is now “the most in human and Facebook has control over the of data about In the from the birth of the digital (in because of developments in enabling the of (in the and because of in the form of the Internet (in the early and the birth of (in the early data became “the new information became as valuable as the commodity integral to the global from the that its security the construction and of a global of U.S. and U.K. military ongoing with that Saudi or the U.S. is to protect or In the years since Facebook became a platform, in 2007, and data became the new social has been rendered to capital, as an to the of Raw material mined from the of began to be into what this information prediction is to the principal of media in from the to to to but it is also for democracy to elite and about have been to facilitate the and of the as a key component of the political economy of informational capitalism. It is episode of by One can that after 2007, social became a new and media It is an that a designed by a in to the of young a in 2007 the way to the media in of in and integral to the degradation of democracy by 2016 and against its in the U.S. in early the the media and information company a of that its CEO to to in around the history in fashion in the of and “digital and after the and rendition of experience and social into information, with the of and as affect to generate prediction, influence, and control. Our present pivots around 2007-8, then, and in the years since the of all against accelerates because it is now built into the and commercial practices of the media and communication corporations that from social into information as prediction to generate Our social are by by new of and and the of to foster capital and “security” integral to the digital present has the of a democratic on the of public from as many have the all around of social a experiment of prediction, and Once again, as it did most after the last collapse of the in the the of liberalism and democracy and in the of the breakdown of and media it out of and out of because others have capitalism and its political as liberalism democracy and produce the of by that and the degradation of what called “the strategic of that is now accelerated by libertarian making use of the affordances of the digital in information and affect to disable the between and and generate Our present from to the then, of the of and control essential and integral to the long histories of racialized capitalism that a new praxis of informational and of counterinsurgency and psychological of and that built into the of the digital One has been the of as liberalism into forms of and but of also practiced and by by the histories of that forms of Russia is one example of as we have but the and (and its information about populations, information now with new forms of (like Saudi and for example, has forms of digital and to its control of as a for techniques of and and some of these to other (like Saudi Arabia and to control Often these journalists, as an to and reality. The digital of control fashioned over history enable and of these and the orchestration of information and affect as power began in the military of through “the and of they were created as to the possibilities of democracy as political by the the history of this imperial fashioning of new forms of informational and mediated is not an as is from the and as in or populations in in can what it is my too, in opposition to the of the predictive fashioned to secure the future as a of what and and a

Personality
Elite
Governmentality
Politics
Control (management)
Sociology
Field (mathematics)
Capitalism
Test (biology)
Mediation
Orchestration
Psychology
Social psychology
Artificial intelligence
Computer science
Social science
Political science
Law


Microfascism and desubjectification. The origins of the problem

Социодинамика

This article is devoted to the search for primary ideas concerning the theoretical origins of the concept of microfascism and determining its connection with the topic of subjectivation and desubjectivation. The author suggests looking at these problems from the perspective of the French philosopher J. Deleuze and the German sociologist T. Adorno. The author pays special attention to the comparison of the ideas of both thinkers, analyzing not only the concepts mentioned by them to clarify the problematic field of microfascism, but also those social phenomena that have become the object of criticism of both authors. The article examines how their views have historically developed and transformed. The main conclusions of the study are following : 1) in both authors views, the problems of microfascism are connected with their criticism of modern capitalist society, which has adopted the fundamental features of historical fascism; 2) desubjectivation in the interpretation of J. Deleuze is defined as the dominance of the inhumane "logic of capital" over all possible ways of asserting the desire of the subject, and T. Adorno is defined as the displacement by culture of all opportunities to show non-stereotypical and unconventional ways of self-expression of the individual; 3) both authors cannot give an exact recipe for overcoming the prevailing social problems and the subsequent disintegration of human subjectivity and insist on the need to change the ways of understanding and the perception of culture.

Criticism
Epistemology
Subjectivity
Interpretation (philosophy)
Sociology
Object (grammar)
Subject (documents)
Field (mathematics)
German
Perspective (graphical)
Philosophy
Law
Political science


How to Save a Life: Humanitarian Resistance in Europe During the Second World War, the Dawn of a New Historiographical Category?

Istituto Nazionale Ferruccio Parri, Milan, Italy

Historiography
Resistance (ecology)
History
World War II
Political science
Archaeology


The Mussolinization of St Francis of Assisi


Romanità and the images of Rome in the Fascist Discourse of History: its Origins and Evolvement

Ideology
Politics
History
Liberalism
Interpretation (philosophy)
Law
Philosophy
Political science


Civil Rights, Fascism’s Legacy, and Italian American Material Culture in Scorsese’s <i>Mean Streets</i>

Civil rights
Art
Political science
Art history
Sociology
Law


The Enduring Significance of the 1930s for Chile's Long Cold War

Politics
Communism
Latin Americans
Spanish Civil War
Economic history
Democracy
Ideology
Political science
Cold war
Political economy
Law
History
Sociology


Soviet Marxist Humanism: from the Class Struggle to the Renaissance of Human

The article considers the main ideas of Soviet Marxist humanism. It is shown that, despite ideological control over culture and science, an original version of Marxist humanism has been developing in Soviet philosophy since the mid 1930-s. Unlike other countries, where the publication of Marxs Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts played a key role in the emergence of Marxist humanism, this publication did not have the same impact in the USSR. Soviet Marxist humanism results from the debates about proletarian culture and humanism in 1920–30-s and also evolves as an anti-fascist movement. Studying the subject, we analyze three key narratives: proletarian humanism, socialist humanism and communist humanism. Proletarian humanism (M. Gorky, M. Petrosyan), in our opinion, historically corresponded to the period of irreconcilable ideological struggle with abstract humanism and fascism. Socialist humanism (N. Bukharin, P. Fedoseev, F. Konstantinov) was investigating necessary material and spiritual conditions to bring up a comprehensively developed personality. Communist humanism (I. Frolov) reflected the process of scientific and technological revolution and historically corresponded to de-escalation of international relationships and political course towards democratization and transparency.

Marxist philosophy
Humanism
The Renaissance
Class conflict
Class (philosophy)
Sociology
Social science
Philosophy
Political science
Art
Art history
Epistemology
Law
Politics


The Gentile Reform of 1923 and Italian Higher Education

Kazan Federal University
Independent Researcher

Učënye zapiski Kazanskogo universiteta. Seriâ Gumanitarnye nauki/Učenye zapiski Kazanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Seriâ Gumanitarnye nauki/Učenye zapiski Kazanskogo universiteta. Seriâ Gumanitarnye nauki

This article focuses on how Italian higher education was organized and managed in the early years of fascism. The main reasons why the fascist government of Italy initiated a national educational reform in 1923 are considered. The objective problems in education that Italian society faced during this period are analyzed. Special attention is given to the ideological goals that Giovanni Gentile, the Minister of Education, pursued with this reform. The reform led to fundamental changes in the traditional educational system of the Kingdom of Italy. Some radical innovations were also spurred in its higher education, such as the division of universities into different types (depending on state funding), the enhancement of the role of the rector in university life, the valorization of humanities education over that in technical and natural sciences, etc. The Gentile reform was received with mixed feelings by Italian society, including part of the leadership of the fascist party. The contradictions inherent in the reform ideology affected its results. The attempt to improve the quality of university education by standardizing academic requirements and introducing a system of uniform state examinations, contrary to the idealistic goals declared by G. Gentile himself, was the first step toward greater interference by the fascist regime in university activities, reflecting the general trend to the establishment of full state control over society.

Ideology
State (computer science)
Government (linguistics)
Political science
Higher education
Public administration
Period (music)
Sociology
Politics
Law


Ideological semantics of GDR film titles: a linguo-culturological analysis

The research aims to identify the ideological semantics reflected in the titles of films from the GDR era, produced at the DEFA film studio from 1946 to 1991. Film titles, being part of the complex cultural phenomenon of cinema, are elements of cultural policy capable of transmitting ideological attitudes and values and serving as an instrument of ideological influence. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the comprehensive linguo-culturological analysis of filmonyms from the GDR era, which for the first time allows for a systematic description of the ideological semantics of film titles, tracing the dynamics of its development, and identifying specific linguistic markers that reflect the dominant attitudes at each stage. As a result, four key stages were identified in the evolution of the ideological semantics of GDR filmonyms: active affirmation of anti-fascism and socialism (1946-1953); glorification of the socialist way of life, criticism of capitalism (1954-1968); emphasis on the inner world and social issues (1969-1989); reflection of a sense of loss and re-evaluation (1990-1991). It was established that film titles served as an instrument for shaping ideology, the effectiveness of which was ensured by the skillful use of linguo-cultural markers (toponyms, historical figures, folklore, etc.), aimed at strengthening national identity and the authority of the ruling party.

Ideology
Linguistics
Semantics (computer science)
Sociology
Media studies
Politics
Computer science
Political science
Philosophy
Law


Imperial Remnants of a Contested Alpine Border Region: Encountering Bolzano’s Ambiguous Monuments

Institute of History, University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland

Expansionism
Politics
Praise
Ethos
Coronation
History
Royalist
Capital (architecture)
Colonialism
Law
Sociology
Ancient history
Political science
Literature
Art