Eco-fascism: an oxymoron? Far-right nationalism, history, and the climate emergency

Department of Contemporary History, University of the Basque Country, Bilbao, Spain

IKERBASQUE Basque Foundation for Science, Bilbao, Spain

Can we conceive of a continuity in the way right-wing nationalisms address environmental issues from the origins of fascism to the currently ongoing global “polycrisis”? This article explores the use of the term “eco-fascism” in connection with the climate crisis and considers the political relationship between ecologism and the contemporary far right through a historical perspective, seeking to determine persisting patterns in the relationship between the far right and the environment. Section 1 travels back to the historical origins of this relationship between nationalism, fascism and the environment, arguing that the conceptions of nature adopted and nourished by fascism had scarcely anything to do with ecology in its contemporary meaning. Section 2 explores the most well-known and consolidated studies on the relationship between the far right and climate change denialism, identifying a broad consensus that unites scholars from various disciplines on the density, intensity and persistence of this political relationship in the current millennium. The article concludes by underlining the irreality, falsifiability and internal contradictions of the notion of “eco-fascism” at a time when right-wing regimes have seized power in many countries through the use of vocabularies and sentiments in defense of the territory and its resources, but with a substantial refusal to tackle global environmental problems.

Oxymoron
Nationalism
Far right
Political science
History
Law
Philosophy
Linguistics
Politics


Abstract This article seeks to exorcise some of fascism’s more haunting taxonomic horrors by focusing on the multiple ‘phantasmagorical’ aspects of comparative fascist studies which thwart attempts to achieve definitive resolutions of such nebulous and contested issues as its relationship to the radical right. It first considers the lasting traumatic effect on collective memories resulting from the catastrophic scale of inhumanity and casualties generated by the Third Reich and the war needed to destroy it. It argues that the dark psychological shadow cast by World War II , along with Marxist essentialism and the speculative component of all conceptualization, has made mapping the relationship between fascism and the contemporary radical right particularly fraught not just with ideological controversy but even subliminal psychological factors that subvert objectivity. It then suggests how the difficulties such issues pose to modelling the relationship can be overcome by the consistent application of widely agreed ideal types of the key phenomena to establish the intricacies of fascism’s morphological adaptation to postwar realities and its often subtle interactions with new non-fascist forms of right. On this basis a complex but comprehensible and heuristically researchable relationship between fascism and the radical right looms into view which is spectral in a sense that owes more to natural science than the supernatural.

Conceptualization
Ideology
Objectivity (philosophy)
Sociology
Marxist philosophy
Essentialism
Epistemology
Aesthetics
Philosophy
Law
Politics
Political science


Introduction A Hellenic Modernism: Greek Theatre and Italian Fascism

Giovanna Di Martino
Eleftheria Ioannidou
Sara Troiani

Department of Greek and Latin, University College London , London , UK

Arts, Culture and Media, University of Groningen , Groningen , The Netherlands

Centre for Classical and Humanistic Studies, University of Coimbra , Coimbra , Portugal

Abstract The introduction to the special issue explores the central place of Greek theatre within the culture of Italian Fascism. Building on scholarship from the so-called cultural turn in the study of fascism, which variously identified fascism with a form of modernism, it demonstrates that a dialogue between modernism and classicism was fully at work in the performances of ancient drama occurring all over the Italian peninsula and in the colonies in North Africa. The term ‘Hellenic modernism’ is introduced here to underline the fusion of Greek theatre with distinctively modernist traits during the ventennio and provide an analytical tool for investigating the role of classical performances and spectacles within Fascism’s programme of cultural and national renewal.

Classicism
Modernism (music)
Scholarship
Drama
Art
Period (music)
Peninsula
Literature
Classics
History
Aesthetics
Archaeology
Political science
Law


Schizophrenic fascism: on Russia’s war in Ukraine

REALC, Modern Languages Bldg, Emory University, 532 Kilgo Circle, Atlanta, GA, 30322, USA

Chauvinism
Fyodor
Militarization
Messianism
Ideology
Politics
Xenophobia
Reactionary
Militarism
Sociology
Nationalism
Nazism
Psychoanalysis
Law
Literature
Political science
Psychology
Art


"Ordinary People" and Fascism: A Conjunctural Perspective on (Pre)War Russia

In the course of this war, the question of who feels themselves to be “ordinary people” or “ordinary Russians”, and what ideological and everyday consequences are drawn from this, takes on a new political dimension. The same applies to the questions of “unity”, ethics and the potential of the protest against Putin. In this paper, I will note some aspects that have already played a role in analysing social circumstances in pre-war Russia and that are now at the centre of current discussions on Russian ideology. I argue that the figuration of “ordinary people” in the last financial crisis (2015–2016) replaced the collective perspective on social inequalities or injustice, even when protest is organised and carried out by workers. In the context of the depoliticisation and individualisation of society, social protest by ordinary Russians (or just “the bottom”) is the only way to make concrete social demands. In building alliances (for example, among social protesters or between social protests and anti-Putin protests), it becomes particularly clear that the only collective strategy in this context is the ethnonationalist “unification of the people” against the elite. I also argue that a fascist ideology with imperial and ethnonationalist elements prevails in Russia today, which for years emerged from the bottom up.

Perspective (graphical)
Political science
History
Sociology
Art
Visual arts


Fascism and the classics: ideological manipulation and targeted translations of the <i>Aeneid</i>

Ideology
Poetry
Politics
Meaning (existential)
Period (music)
Literature
Order (exchange)
Sentence
Linguistics
Philosophy
History
Art
Law
Aesthetics
Epistemology
Political science


From performative anti-fascism to post-fascism: the Lega (Nord)’s political discourse in historical context

Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies, University of Bath, Bath, UK

School of Politics and International Relations, Queen Mary, University of London

This article addresses a significant gap in the literature on the Lega (Nord) by examining the resemiotisation of the party’s early discourse of ‘performative anti-fascism’ under Umberto Bossi into the current ‘post-fascist’ discursive strategy of Matteo Salvini’s Lega. Employing a Discourse Historical Approach (DHA), we perform a two-step analysis. First, through an examination of textual and visual documents produced by and about Umberto Bossi’s party, this article examines the Lega’s process of reconceptualizing and recontextualising anti-fascism; second, through an analysis of Matteo Salvini’s Lega, the article identifies how ‘post-fascism’ has evolved from ‘performative anti-fascism’. The article makes three contributions: first, it encourages a shift away from a focus purely on the Lega’s populism towards articulations of its far right ideology; second, it illustrates the importance of focusing on long-term enactments of discursive shifts and a normalization/mainstreaming of far right ideology; finally, it contributes to a new conceptualization of post-fascism as a discursive feature of far right ideology rather than an ideology in and of itself.

Performative utterance
Ideology
Populism
Sociology
Conceptualization
Politics
Social semiotics
Context (archaeology)
Aesthetics
Gender studies
Law
Epistemology
Semiotics
Political science
Philosophy
Linguistics
History


Eco-Fascism Online: Conceptualizing Far-Right Actors’ Response to Climate Change on Stormfront

Imogen Richards
Callum Jones
Gearóid Brinn

Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia

School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia

School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia

Blame
Ideology
Rhetoric
Climate change
Population
Political science
Political economy
Politics
Global warming
Nationalism
Sociology
Social psychology
Psychology
Law
Ecology


Antifascist praxis in developmental science: Possibilities for collective resistance to fascism

Miriam R Arbeit
Andrea Negrete
Natasha Panlilio Berger
Anne E Dufault
Alexandria C Onuoha
Sarah L F Burnham

Psychology Department, Suffolk University , Boston, Massachusetts ,

Psychology Department, Suffolk University, Boston, Massachusetts, USA

Psychology Department, Wesleyan University , Middletown, Connecticut ,

Psychology Department, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut, USA

Abstract Antifascists have developed action-oriented principles and practices for collective resistance to fascism. In this article, we discuss antifascism as praxis, which is the nexus of theory and practice through collective reflection and action. Antifascist praxis can inform developmental science at individual and contextual levels of analysis. For the study of individual developmental trajectories, we examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to stop fascist recruitment of youth and counter-recruit youth into liberation movements. For the study of developmental contexts, we use the example of family separation to examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to identify fascist threats and support collective action against fascist violence. We also present next steps for developing a field of scholarship in which communities of developmental scientists engage in antifascist praxis. As developmental scientists, we must see ourselves as part of—not objectively disconnected from—broader mass movements building power against fascism and pursuing liberation for all.

Praxis
Scholarship
Nexus (standard)
Resistance (ecology)
Developmental Science
Sociology
Collective action
Action (physics)
Epistemology
Political science
Psychology
Developmental psychology
Law
Politics


The Violent Legacy of Fascism: Evidence From Italy

Stefano Costalli
Daniele Guariso
Patricia Justino
Andrea Ruggeri

Università di Firenze
Università di Firenze, Florence, Italy
The Alan Turing Institute
The Alan Turing Institute, London, UK
UNU-WIDER
UNU-WIDER, Helsinki, Finland
University of Oxford
Università di Milano
University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
Università di Milano, Milano, Italy


Reflexive Fascism in the Age of History Memes

Brandenburgisches Zentrum für Medienwissenschaften, Potsdam, Germany

Reflexivity
Aesthetics
Scholarship
Sociology
Capitalism
Authoritarianism
History
Democracy
Gender studies
Politics
Political science
Law
Social science
Art


Fascism as an Ideological Form: A Critical Theory

Ideology
Epistemology
Egalitarianism
Sociology
Sectarianism
Socialism
Politics
Law
Philosophy
Political science
Communism


Wiley Sharp
Sarah Fogel
Eden Kinkaid
Nick Koenig

Department of Geography & Planning University of Toronto  Toronto Ontario Canada

Department of Geography University of Kentucky  Lexington Kentucky USA

Department of Geography & Spatial Sciences University of Delaware  Newark Delaware USA

Department of Earth & Spatial Sciences University of Idaho  Moscow Idaho USA

Abstract In this commentary, we explore the implications of the 2024 US elections on trans lives. While we focus on the United States, we situate anti‐trans politics within emerging fascist movements around the world, as the elections have impacts beyond national borders. We examine four areas of impact: the body, public space, legal geographies and mobilities. Trans healthcare and bodily autonomy are under attack in a myriad of legal and legislative venues across the United States, with devastating consequences upon the health and well‐being of trans people, especially youth. These attacks are complemented by legislation that criminalises trans existence in public space, including renewed ‘bathroom bans’ and bans on drag and other gender non‐conforming performances. Undergirding all of these efforts is a fascist attempt to ‘eradicate transgenderism from public life’ in order to safeguard the ‘purity’ of the fascist body politic. This imperative is evident in emergent legal geographies of trans lives, which are increasingly imperiled by the denial of state identification and documentation. Ironically, trans mobility depends on these volatile regimes of legal recognition, and renewed anti‐trans politics perniciously constricts the capacity of trans people to flee jurisdictions where they are being legislated out of existence. We conclude with a brief meditation about what resurgent gender fascism means for the discipline of Geography, arguing that geographers have an ethical and intellectual obligation to protect trans lives and resist fascism.

Sociology
Psychology
Psychoanalysis
Political science


Italy’s Jews from emancipation to fascism

Department of History, Heritage, and Classics, Swansea University, Swansea, UK

Emancipation
Judaism
History
Religious studies
Sociology
Classics
Political science
Philosophy
Law
Politics
Archaeology


Department of Geography, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles, USA

Italy was the homeland of Fascism (proper noun). From 1922 until 1943, a self-described Fascist regime ruled the country. As a result of the national election on 25 September 2022, a political party with its roots in that Fascism became the dominant partner in a far-right coalition national government. Does this signify the full-fledged return of the past for Italy's future or does it represent something else again? As Umberto Eco once claimed, Fascism was an unstable cocktail of beliefs and practices associated increasingly with the whims of one man: Benito Mussolini. From this perspective, unlike Nazism, which can be plausibly defined neatly in terms of its central obsessions with biological races and anti-semitism, Fascism has lent itself to multiple interpretations. Hence, fascism (common noun) has become a term used in a myriad of ways to describe a range of political ideologies, albeit all anchored to the singular significance of national identities at the expense of much else. I challenge Eco's claim that Fascism had no elemental ideological core and then trace the history of Fascism in Italy and how its memory lived on after the demise of the regime most intimately connected to it. I then turn to recent Italian politics and what the changed historical-geographical context of the times suggests about which elements, if any, of the original Fascism can be expected to re-emerge under the new regime. I end with the conclusion that whatever “fascism” does presently emerge in Italy will be unlike the original version. In fact, most of the core of what branded the original Fascism looks mostly irreproducible in contemporary Italy.

Politics
Ideology
Homeland
Nazism
Context (archaeology)
Demise
History
Political science
Law
Sociology
Political economy


Fascism in Brazil: From Integralism to Bolsonarism

Icon
Citation
Download
Index (typography)
History
Art history
Library science
Art
World Wide Web
Computer science


Rashism as the most degraded stage of fascism

Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”

A new apt term rashism appeared in the political vocabulary and scientific literature in 2022 to describe the essence of an authoritarian dictatorship, militant and aggressive, which appeals to the lower instincts of the population of the state, capturing not only its marginal groups but the general public. Scholars around the world are looking for (and fi nding) common features of rashism and classical (Italian) fascism and German Nazism. We believe that by focusing on fi nding common features in fascism, Nazism and rashism, domestic and foreign scholars overlook the diff erences. This allows the Russian side to exploit the gap, pushing the world community to profi table for themselves, and in fact – fake «diff erences» (such as the alleged multiparty system of the Russian political system). The article focuses on the question of how rashism diff ers from fascism and Nazism. We will also examine the alleged multiparty system of the Russian parliamentary branch of government and its attitude to aggression in Ukraine and the annexation of Ukrainian state territories. To solve this issue, a number of general and special scientifi c methods were used, public statements of Russian top offi cials and direct actions of the Russian army in Ukraine were analyzed. In total, at least five distinctive features have been identifi ed. 1. Rashism is multinational and polyreligious fascism. 2. Rashism is ultra-chauvinistic fascism. 3. Rashism is dishonest fascism. 4. Rashism is corrupt mafi a fascism. 5. Rashism is vulgar fascism. On the other hand, rashism cannot deny its fascist nature by referring to alleged multiparty system. As of the beginning of the summer of 2022, all parties represented in the Duma jointly support the aggressive foreign policy of their state and its notorious president. Rashism is the most degraded, vulgarized fascism, which should be placed in the dustbin of history. As for the prospects for further research in this direction, we believe that they should be held mainly in the form of a direct discussion with the apologists of the «Russian world» and their ideological allies in the West. Not only depth of argumentation, but also the rapid response to the facts distortion from the opponents’ side will have a decisive importance. Key words: rashism as a form of fascism, Russian aggression against Ukraine, the ruling party in Russia, religious institutions in Putin’s Russia.

Nazism
Ukrainian
Dictatorship
Politics
Political science
State (computer science)
Militant
Law
Sociology
Democracy
Philosophy
Linguistics


Fascism and the Trans Villain: Historically Recurring Transphobia in Far-Right Politics

This article builds a base of historical and theoretical context to understand the resurgence of transphobic propaganda and violence led by the American far-right through an examination of the connections between trans politics and global political economies of capitalism. Through a synthesis of established theories of fascism, a historical analysis of fascism, and a case study of propagandistic transphobia in two American films from the height of the Cold War, I argue that the proliferation of contemporary anti-trans sentiment reflects the state of crisis that the American empire is experiencing as domestic and international resistance threatens its global hegemony. Further I argue that a historical and theoretical examination of fascism and trans issues show the capacity for fascistic anti-trans violence not as a departure from the norm of liberal democratic nation-state systems that developed through the processes of capital, but rather as a constitutive part of that norm. Trans historians must mobilize historical knowledge and practice to disseminate public facing works that furnish a wide base of readers with the tools to understand and contextualize contemporary trans panic as it metastasizes.

Hegemony
Democracy
Politics
Capitalism
State (computer science)
Political economy
Norm (philosophy)
Globalization
Sociology
Political science
Gender studies
Law


Abstract “The Returns of Fascism” addresses the emergence of New Right political culture on a global scale, attending to the intersections in US, European, Russian, and Indian New Right movements and their relation to the history of fascisms and late capitalist thought forms, as well as their attack on humanist critique. This special issue argues that the topoi of crisis and catastrophe serve the globalization of the New Right's supremacist and majoritarian political culture as it transcends both the academy and the wider world.

Globalization
Humanism
Politics
Relation (database)
Topos theory
Political economy
Political science
Sociology
Economic history
Social science
History
Law
Literature
Art


Cultural politics and public intellectuals in the age of emerging fascism*

Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies

Politics
Political science
Sociology
Law


The 1918 Influenza Pandemic and the Rise of Italian Fascism: A Cross-City Quantitative and Historical Text Qualitative Analysis

Gregori Galofré-Vilà
Martin McKee
María Gómez-León
David Stuckler

Gregori Galofré-Vilà is with the Department of Economics, Universidad Pública de Navarra, Pamplona, Spain. Martin McKee is with the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, London, UK. María Gómez-León is with the Department of Economic Analysis, Universitat de València, València, Spain. David Stuckler is with the Department of Social and Political Sciences, Bocconi University, Milan, Italy

Evidence linking past experiences of worsening health with support for radical political views has generated concerns about the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. The influenza pandemic that began in 1918 had a devastating health impact: 4.1 million Italians contracted influenza and about 500 000 died. We tested the hypothesis that deaths from the 1918 influenza pandemic contributed to the rise of Fascism in Italy. To provide a “thicker” interpretation of these patterns, we applied historical text mining to the newspaper Il Popolo d’Italia (Mussolini’s newspaper). Our observations were consistent with evidence from other contexts that worsening mortality rates can fuel radical politics. Unequal impacts of pandemics may contribute to political polarization. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(2):242–247. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306574 )

Influenza pandemic
Pandemic
Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19)
2019-20 coronavirus outbreak
Qualitative analysis
Demography
Medicine
Geography
Political science
Virology
Environmental health
History
Family medicine
Qualitative research
Sociology
Social science
Outbreak
Disease
Infectious disease (medical specialty)
Pathology


History, Culture, and Politics, College of Western Idaho, Caldwell, ID, USA

Vitalism
Modernity
Politics
Liberalism
Radicalization
Rationalism
Democracy
Elitism
Sociology
Emancipation
Philosophy
Law
Political science
Epistemology


This is a short commentary on the relevance of Jair Bolsonaro for the critical theorizing of the political. It considers the resurfacing of fascism in the past decade or as the manifestation of a political form which is consistent with the mode of thinking that nourishes the liberal political architecture. It does so by discussing key philosophical, critical, and anticolonial formulations which indicate as present the elements that allow for the kind of binding of the State with its citizens that supports fascism, both in the past and in the present.

Politics
Relevance (law)
State (computer science)
Key (lock)
Epistemology
Architecture
Sociology
Aesthetics
Political science
History
Philosophy
Law
Computer science


Conceptions and Practices of International Fascism in Norway, Sweden and the Netherlands, 1930–40

Celestine S. Kunkeler
Martin Kristoffer Hamre

C-REX, University of Oslo, Norway
Freie Universität Berlin, Germany

This article explores conceptions of fascism as an international phenomenon as understood by three political parties of the 1930s: Quisling’s Norwegian Nasjonal Samling (NS), Lindholm’s Swedish Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarepartiet (NSAP) and Mussert’s Dutch Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging (NSB). In order to highlight fascist movements’ contributions to fascist internationalism, the article deploys both a comparative and transnational framework, showing up the national differences in their conceptions of international fascism, regional connections and influences, changes over time and the contingencies of transnational contact that affected the practical establishment of international relationships. It is shown that there was an impetus for international cooperation between fascist movements outside of the orbit of fascist regimes, typically sustained by regional affinities as existed among Northern countries and the Low Countries. While often framed by ambitious rhetoric, ultimately the three parties continued to focus on their own national projects rather than deepen international collaboration. Lastly the movements’ different myths of international fascism are compared, constructed for propagandistic ends, all of which broadly fit within the mould of a new European or even global era which saw the rise of fascism and the (hoped for) victory over ideological enemies such as communism and liberalism.

Internationalism (politics)
Ideology
Victory
Norwegian
Politics
International relations
Liberalism
Political science
Rhetoric
Communism
Political economy
Sociology
Law
Philosophy


Genocide
Nazism
Politics
Identity (music)
Terrorism
Sociology
Order (exchange)
Political science
Gender studies
Law
Art
Aesthetics


Culture or propaganda? Fascism and Italian culture in the United States

Swinburne Research Bank (Swinburne University of Technology)

This essay analyzes a neglected historiographical topic, that is the Fascist 'cultural diplomacy'. After outlining the historiographical framework, this essay focuses on the United States as a case study. The political action of the fasci (the branches of the Italian National Fascist Party) in the United States had turned out to be a failure by the late 1920s. As a result, during the following decade, the Fascist regime promoted to the full extent the spread of the Italian language and culture in the 'Little Italies' as tools to preserve the Italianness of the Italian immigrant communities. The purpose of this Fascist project was to shape the new Italian-American generations, whose members were American by citizenship but spiritually tied to Fascist Italy by linguistic bonds. Such a strategy was carried out in cooperation with the Italian-American press, the promimenti (ethnic leaders), the Italian schools in the United States, and cultural associations such as the Dante Alighieri Society. At the same time, the Fascist regime, supported by the Italian-American lobby, endeavored to create Italian language and culture courses in U.S. educational institutions spanning from high schools to universities. Furthermore Mussolini encouraged prominent U.S. citizens, Italian Americans, and mostly youngsters of Italian ancestry, who were often guests of the Fascist summer camps, to visit Italy on propagandistic trips in order to show them the 'achievements' of Il Duce's regime. Finally, this essay examines the response of the new Italian-American generations to the Fascist propagandistic message.

Political science
Aesthetics
History
Sociology
Media studies
Art


Dealing with a difficult past: historical memories of the Vichy regime and fascism in the ideology of the Rassemblement National and the Lega

Cevipol-IEE, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium

Journal of Contemporary European Studies

Ideology
Authoritarianism
Politics
Sociology
Political economy
Law
Political science
Aesthetics
Democracy
Philosophy


Authoritarianism and Free Markets: Notes on Fascism, Populism, and Economics

Populism
Authoritarianism
Free market
Economics
Keynesian economics
Political science
Neoclassical economics
Positive economics
Political economy
Democracy
Economic history
Law
Politics


Beyond Rome: Brescia and the Difficult Heritage of Italian Fascism

National School of Arts and Humanities, Australian Catholic University, North Sydney, New South Wales, Australia

Physical reminders of Fascist rule in Italy can be found in virtually every Italian town and city. To date, though, studies of how Italians have dealt with this ‘difficult heritage’ have focused overwhelmingly on Rome, where Fascism's copious remains are treated and admired as aesthetic objects, unmoored from their political–historical origins. Implied, assumed or articulated in these studies is the idea of Rome as an exemplar of the nation: that what is true of the capital is true of the country. In fact, the idea that Rome's approach to its Fascist heritage is representative of Italy's has yet to be properly tested. This article argues for the need to go ‘beyond Rome’ in order to gain a deeper, richer, and more nuanced understanding of the ways in which Italians have negotiated the difficult heritage of Fascism. Focusing on the provincial Lombard city of Brescia, the article reveals the complex interplay between time, place, use, memory, aesthetics, and politics in shaping how bresciani have negotiated three surviving ‘faces’ of Fascism: Marcello Piacentini's monumental piazza della Vittoria; Arturo Dazzi's colossal statue ‘L’Era Fascista’, popularly known as the ‘Bigio’; and Oscar Prati's monument-ossuary to the fallen of the Great War.

Statue
Politics
Capital (architecture)
Power (physics)
History
Order (exchange)
Humanities
Art
Art history
Classics
Ancient history
Law
Political science


Recounting Mussolini: the narrative of Fascism between memory and popular culture

Alma Mater Studiorum Università di Bologna, Italy

Since the 1980s, softened and positive portrayals of Fascism have become established in public debate in Italy. A key feature in this process of defascistization has been the reduction of Fascism to the cult of the Duce. This article examines how this narrative has emerged, focusing not on the politics of memory but instead on the role of the culture industry, public debate and the media. It examines three distinct but related phenomena: the ‘Mussolinization’ of Fascism in public narrative as promoted by television and other mass media; the transformation of the electoral system and political language, marked specifically by the shift from the centrality of the collective to that of authoritative and charismatic individuals; the prominent place of the figure of the hero in the popular culture.

Narrative
HERO
Charisma
Politics
Cult
Popular culture
Sociology
Media studies
Collective memory
Centrality
Literature
Aesthetics
Political science
History
Law
Art


Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona https://dx.doi.org/16719 Barcelona Spain

Abstract Is it possible to identify traces of dissent or even resistance to Francoism within a single fascist party? Can there be elements of radical opposition within fascism in its long duration? This article’s discussion of this question, centered on the Spanish Falange’s case, will focus on two main topics that define the parameters of historiographical discussion of an idealized (‘authentic’, ‘pure’, ‘uncontaminated’, ‘rebellious’) fascism that may also be useful for interpreting and establishing comparisons with other contexts. The first of these topics is the mythification of fascism’s original authenticity and the second is the preeminence of Franco’s providentialist leadership and how it explicitly demonstrates his de facto importance in the construction of the dictatorial regime as a fascist regime through the exercise of power.

Dissent
Historiography
Opposition (politics)
De facto
Resistance (ecology)
Power (physics)
Political science
Focus (optics)
Sociology
Epistemology
Aesthetics
History
Law
Philosophy
Politics


The 1908 earthquake of Messina: An accounting perspective on the city's reconstruction between faith and Fascism

Carlo Vermiglio
Rosa Lombardi
Vincenzo Zarone

University of Messina, Italy
University of Roma La Sapienza, Italy
University of Pisa, Italy

Faith
Interpretation (philosophy)
Government (linguistics)
Metropolitan area
History
Archbishop
Period (music)
Political science
Public administration
Sociology
Economic history
Law
Archaeology
Classics
Art
Theology
Aesthetics
Philosophy


Philosophia International Journal of Philosophy

This paper covers the idea of fascism in the light of new and emerging technologies as well as the current ubiquity of its use.I draw my inspiration for this paper from the constant use of the word "fascist" to denote opposition to a group or personal stance on socio-political issues.My attempt to look at new forms of fascism is guided by the original concept of fascism espoused by Mussolini's Doctrine of Fascism.I also attempt to frame the conditions of the new forms of fascism in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.This context undergirds the current propaganda model of media institutions that have shifted their operations to the Internet.I argue in this paper that current media platforms that operate under the BUMMER principle provide a potent breeding pool for new forms of fascism that are reliant on ideologies as opposed to authoritarian figures.These conditions, as I argue in this paper, force us to rethink our current entanglement with democratic systems that are entrenched in representative iterations.As a conclusion to this paper, I argue the strong need for exploring an increased degree of participation of individuals through direct forms of democracy, increased scrutiny of media institutions, and the exploration of current and existing technologies to undergird direct democratic participation.

Authoritarianism
Scrutiny
Opposition (politics)
Ideology
Democracy
Doctrine
Sociology
Politics
Political economy
Media studies
Context (archaeology)
Law
Political science
Aesthetics
Epistemology
History
Philosophy


New Fascisms and the Crises of Empire: Lessons from the Americas

Empire
History
Ancient history
Economic history
Political science
Geography


Political and Intellectual Lineages of Southern African Anti-Fascism

Jonathan Hyslop
Kasper Braskén
Neil Roos

Colgate University and University of Pretoria

Historiography
Politics
Colonialism
History
Subject (documents)
Relevance (law)
Contemporary history
Anthropology
Sociology
Political science
Law
Archaeology


Marxist Critical Systematic Review on Neo-Fascism and International Capital: Diffuse Networks, Capitalist Decadence and Culture War

Universidade Federal de So Paulo, So Paulo, Brasil

Universidade Federal de São Paulo, São Paulo, Brasil

This is a review on what the world scientific literature has been presenting about the relationship between neo-fascism and capitalism at an international level. For this purpose, a systematic critical review of Marxist literature in the field of social and human sciences was carried out, in the Taylor & Francis database. The search strategy was built with the free terms: “neo-fascism”, “capital” and “international”. Portuguese, Spanish and English were the language limits. Data analysis was performed through critical content analysis of a Marxist approach. Ten articles were included in the review. The following elements of the articles were synthesized and criticized: “theories used for analysis”, “neo-fascist aspects and/or agents representing the neo-fascist agenda under study”, “representation of international capital”, “the relationship between international capital and neo-fascism” and, finally, the “role of left(s)”. The articles reviewed allow us to state that the data on this relationship is plural and demonstrates a diffuse network among its agents. There are several donor institutions that function as funders of neo-fascist actions in a transatlantic “United States-Europe” network. Also, according to the articles included in this review, the central role of this relationship is found in the “capitalist decadence” and the “culture war” aspect assumed by the phenomenon.

Decadence
Marxist philosophy
Capitalism
Sociology
Capital (architecture)
Social science
Political science
Law
History
Politics


University of Padua https://dx.doi.org/9308 Padua Italy

Abstract This article highlights the intellectual trajectory of the Spanish writer Ernesto Gimenez Caballero (1899–1988) as mediator of fascist internationalism during the 1930s. Caballero, a writer and journalists, was known in Italy thanks to important friendships with leading intellectual, diplomatic and political figures of the Fascist regime. His theory of fascist universalism, presented at the Volta Conference of 1932, identified fascism as the true, unifying principle of Europe. He regarded fascism as ‘the new Catholicity’ of Europe. Inspired by ‘the thaumaturgic genius’ of Mussolini, Caballero pointed out that the center of this new Europe was Rome, which he considered had been reborn with the glories of the ancient times after a long period of uncertainty. The article will explore the key features of Caballero’s idea and their origins within his intellectual biography, stressing the role of personal and transnational networking in the construction of his vision.

Internationalism (politics)
Biography
Universalism
Genius
Politics
Period (music)
Historiography
History
Art
Art history
Classics
Law
Political science
Aesthetics


Reactionary
Politics
Bureaucracy
Political science
Hegemony
Working class
Political economy
Humanities
Sociology
Art
Law


Without reconstructing its genealogy, which then means its history, a political-ideological phenomenon such as fascism, of which Italy was the firstborn between the 1910s and 1920s, can never be fully understood. Its history already provides, at least in part, the interpretation, and in any case helps to understand the phenomenon. Genealogy and phenomenology are therefore the type of analysis that we will conduct in the following pages to scientifically understand a phenomenon too often loaded with public use and exploited for political purposes both in a negative and a positive key. Always and in any case polemogenic.

Phenomenon
Phenomenology (philosophy)
Ideology
Politics
Interpretation (philosophy)
Firstborn
Epistemology
Genealogy
Sociology
History
Philosophy
Law
Political science
Linguistics
Demography


The nostalgic and political use of the past: Fascism in the Italian Social Movement

Movement (music)
Politics
Political science
Social movement
History
Sociology
Aesthetics
Psychoanalysis
Literature
Art
Psychology
Law


Jasper St. Bernard
Verena Erlenbusch-Anderson

Scholarship
Politics
Democracy
Political science
Praxis
Sociology
Law


Hundredth
Prime minister
Politics
First world war
Political science
Economic history
Law
Ancient history
History
Political economy
Sociology


Dissent
Solidarity
Conversation
Presentation (obstetrics)
Resistance (ecology)
Sociology
State (computer science)
Political science
Race (biology)
Law
Media studies
Gender studies
Politics


“Fascism Can Only Grow in Secrecy”: Greek and Yugoslavian Anti-Fascism in Melbourne’s “Long 1960s”

Secrecy
Political science
Economic history
History
Law


“Peace Is Dangerous”: Toward a Du Boisian Theory of Colonial Post-fascism

This article asks: “How was the rhetoric of post or anti-fascism used to develop colonial projects in the inter and postwar period?” Through investigating the Du Bois archive, I answer this through producing a Du Boisian theory of colonial post-fascism. While many have written about the connections between European fascism and colonialism in theories of “colonial fascism,” a Du Boisian approach leads us to the concept of colonial post-fascism , demonstrating the array of colonial practices which were instigated in the name of world peace in the inter and postwar era. Colonial post-fascism is characterized by three processes that Du Bois wrote about. First, colonial post-fascism involves a bifurcation between colonial violence and peace, such that Western powers in the inter and postwar period could make commitments to world peace without interrogating the actions of their empires. Second, colonial post-fascism involves the process by which empires developed their imperial practices to rebuild from the effects of the war against fascism. Finally, colonial post-fascism involves the U.S. empire increasing its militarization, which developed in the fight against fascism, to secure colonial power under the rhetoric of maintaining world peace. This article makes several contributions. First, instead of highlighting the link between European fascism and colonialism, I demonstrate how colonialism shaped European post-fascism . Second, I contribute toward the project of undoing bifurcated histories of the West which elide discussions of colonial violence. Finally, I highlight how Du Bois’s involvement in the peace movement was not just activism, but also generative to social theory.

Colonialism
Political science
Sociology
Philosophy
Criminology
Law


Nation, Nazism and Fascism: Socio-humanitarian paradigms of political science definitions

Bulletin of the State University of Education Series History and Political Sciences

Aim. To identify consistent approaches to defining the concepts of “nation”, “Nazism” and “fascism” in the context of the tasks of a new ideological construction in Russia, to revise the Western conceptual apparatus in Russian political science. Methodology. The method of contextualization, manifested in the consideration of the phenomena “nation”, “Nazism” and “fascism” in the context of the proposed socio-humanitarian paradigms and historical and cultural development of the communities that generated them. Results. Approaches to defining the phenomena “Nazism” and “fascism” are proposed. The connection between the development of the concept of the nation-state and the history of Western civilization is shown, and the destructive consequences of its extrapolations to non-Western civilizational communities are revealed. The factors of Nazism genesis in the world have been identified. Research implications. The results of the study can be used to formulate definitions of the phenomena “nation”, “Nazism” and “fascism” in strategic planning documents of the Russian Federation, educational activities. Approaches to identifying Nazism and blocking it at the early stages of generation are proposed.

Nazism
Politics
Political science
Sociology
Social science
Law


On I.A. Ilyin’s Attitude to Fascism and Nazism

Nazism
Psychology
Psychoanalysis
Religious studies
Philosophy
Medicine
German
Linguistics


Fascism, Anti-Liberalism and Liberalism in Italy

State University of Campinas (Unicamp) Department of Political Science https://dx.doi.org/28132 Campinas Brazil

Abstract Anti-liberalism is often highlighted as central to interpretations of fascism. This article discusses the existence of a liberal-fascist current in Italian Fascism. Very active during the first years of the Fascist government, this current was expressed in the pages of the journals La Nuova Politica Liberale , which brought together disciples of the philosopher Giovanni Gentile, and Critica Fascista , an organ of the revisionists led by Giuseppe Bottai. Anti-individualist, anti-naturalist and anti-democratic, this current asserted that the rights of the nation preceded individual rights, that freedom would not exist in a supposed state of nature and would be the creation of a political society. It rejected the opposition between freedom and authority, stating that only a strong and orderly state would allow freedom to occur. Although the existence of a liberal-fascist current does not impugn the predominantly anti-liberal character of Italian Fascism, bringing it to light contributes to a more complex assessment of Italian Fascism, underlining the existence of different intellectual currents, ideological clashes, and political antagonism within the movement.

Liberalism
Individualism
Opposition (politics)
Ideology
Classical liberalism
Politics
Democracy
Political science
State (computer science)
Law
Sociology
Political economy


Cruel capitalism: a forum on media and fascism

Department of Journalism & Creative Media, University of Alabama , Tuscaloosa, AL,

Department of Journalism & Creative Media, University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, AL, United States

Department of Media, Culture, and Communication, New York University , New York, NY,

Department of Media, Culture, and Communication, New York University, New York, NY, United States

Capitalism
Political science
Media studies
Sociology
Economic history
Political economy
Law
Economics
Politics


Université Catholique de Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve, Walloon Brabant, Belgium

Maastricht University, Maastricht, Netherlands

Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica

Abstract After 78 years of democracy, Italy continues to grapple with its recent past in the political, social, and cultural spheres. Its experience of fascism under Mussolini, its dual participation in the Second World War, and the continuous and still existent connections between the ideological factions of the 1930s–1940s and now render the country a rich case for the study of public history and memory. The specificity of these characteristics has often made Italian history and memory look like an outlier, shaped by circumstances difficult to compare with those of other countries'. This paper argues that contemporary Italian memory politics are in reality a valuable source of information about the kind of mnemonic discourses that may arise in other (Western) European countries, given the increasingly polarised and populist European landscape. Our study of discourses put forwarded by the post-fascist party Fratelli d'Italia reveals a set of mnemonic tools with which they successfully banalise fascism and chip at Italian public discourse slowly but surely. The comparison between this discourse and that of VOX and AfD in Spain and Germany, respectively, shows that these tools, ranging from nativism to policy (de)legitimation linked to fascist imagery, has started to transfer to other countries' political strategies.

Far right
History
Political science
Law
Politics


Fascism in the public sphere of post-fascist Italy

Universita degli Studi di Bologna, Bologna, Italy

Over the entire post-war period up to the present day, the endurance of fascism has remained a significant subject of Italian politics. The neo-fascist party, Movimento Sociale Italiano (M.S.I.), was born immediately after the Second World War. Furthermore, the transition to Republic coexisted with structural continuity with the dictatorship: many elements of fascist state, as the administrative institutions, central bureaucracy and economic ruling class, were maintained. Alongside concrete (both political and institutional) continuities, we can also observe diverse continuities that marked cultures, languages, and political discourses. The shadow of fascism has often invaded the public sphere in ways that condition the political debate and cultural imaginary. Firstly, for all the democratic and progressive parties and movements the Mussolini’s dictatorship has been a constant negative reference point from which they openly distance themselves. Secondly, the spectre of fascism has always been evoked in the political debate with respect to the present and to warn against the return of authoritarianism in new forms. Thirdly, many periodicals, novels, films, comics, and television programmes trivialized the historical experience of Italian fascism, representing it, through recurrent narrative clichés, as a sort of phenomenon only partially corresponding to historical reality.

Public sphere
Political science
Politics
Law


Reclaiming culture and pedagogy in the fight against fascism

McMaster University
Universidade McMaster

This text analyzes the contemporary crisis of democracy, arguing that it is no longer toppled by overt military coups but eroded from within through cultural and pedagogical mechanisms. It highlights how fascism today operates through digital technologies, social media, and cultural symbols that normalize cruelty, exclusion, and historical erasure. Culture is depicted not merely as a reflection of society but as an active battlefield where power shapes identities, desires, and common sense. Drawing on thinkers such as Gramsci, Hall, Adorno, and Mujica, the text emphasizes the vital role of culture and education as sites of both domination and resistance. The author critiques left-wing policy for underestimating the cultural dimension of political struggle, warning that without a cultural revolution grounded in solidarity, care, and critical pedagogy, democracy and civic conscience will be lost. The Trump era is portrayed as a manifestation of resurgent fascism marked by cruelty, corruption, and state terrorism, with culture deployed as a “disimagination machine” that sustains authoritarianism. The text concludes with a call to center culture and education in progressive politics, envisioning a transformative cultural politics capable of combating fascism and renewing democratic hope.


Intellectual History and the Fascism Debate: On Analogies and Polemic

Department of History, Dartmouth College

Over the last few years, scholars have intensely debated whether the contemporary radical right should be described as fascist. While some have insisted that its ideology, political strategy, and social basis strongly echo fascist precedents, others have insisted they substantially diverge from them. This essay explores the content and rhetoric of this dispute. It claims that the key fault line between proponents and opponents of the fascist label was not their intellectual or political agenda, but instead in their approach to political polemics. While some operated within the tradition of polemical writings and believed that the invocation of fascism was necessary for political mobilization, others remained skeptical of its value. The essay therefore situates the “fascism debate” in the long history of arguments over the value and limits of historical analogies and polemical writing.

Ideology
Politics
Invocation
Skepticism
Value (mathematics)
Rhetoric
Intellectual history
Philosophy
Literature
Aesthetics
Law
Epistemology
Political science
Art
Theology


Repressive Moralism: World Making and Petty Fascism in Transgender Politics

Institute of Psychology, University of Tartu, Näituse tn 2, 50409, Tartu, Estonia. wolfgang.wagner@ut.ee

Canterbury Christ Church University, Canterbury, UK

Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Science

Argumentation theory
Politics
Appeal
Transgender
Normative
Sociology
Action (physics)
Population
Power (physics)
Epistemology
Gender studies
Political science
Law


Genocide, Peripheral Fascisms, and Late Neocolonialism in Palestine/Israel and Brazil

Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil

Agrarian South Journal of Political Economy A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES

Neocolonialism
Genocide
Palestine
Ancient history
Ethnology
History
Political science
Archaeology
Law
Colonialism


Ghosts in the machine: algorithmic fascism and the psychopolitics of crisis

OCAD University, Canada
University of Exeter, UK

Political science
Political economy
Sociology


Causes of the Emergence of Fascism: A Marxist Analysis of the Example of Germany

Fascism is one of the most debated political ideologies of the 20th century. Research indicates that significant economic issues played a crucial role in the rise of fascism. However, there is no clear explanation as to why these economic problems led to fascism instead of socialism. Fascism emerged as a result of the conditions prevalent in the early 20th century, such as the devastation of World War I, global economic crises, political upheavals, social discontent, and the strengthening of national identity. It represents an ideology that reflects dissatisfaction and anger. This study aims to comprehensively examine the elements that contributed to the rise of fascism in Germany. Factors such as nationalism, authoritarianism, militarism, anti-Semitism, social discontent, and political weakness are believed to have had a significant impact on the ascent of fascism. In addition to providing a deeper analysis of the emergence of fascism, this work seeks to contribute to the debates by evaluating the conditions in pre-Hitler Germany and discussing Marx's notion that the economy is the fundamental factor determining the structure of society. The rise of fascism cannot be solely regarded as a phenomenon specific to that era. Therefore, studying the origins of fascism and examining the political, economic, and social situation before fascism's emergence allows for a more meaningful discussion about the reasons behind its rise.

Ideology
Nationalism
Politics
Nazism
Militarism
Political economy
Authoritarianism
Socialism
Marxist philosophy
Sociology
Political science
Communism
Democracy
Law


The Re-emergence of Fascism and Its Impact on European Democracies in the Immediate Postwar Period

Democracy
Communism
Political economy
Politics
Legislature
Political science
Period (music)
Development economics
Law
Sociology
Economics
Aesthetics


TRADITIONAL AND MODERN DICTATORSHIP: THE CASE OF FASCISM (INTRODUCTION TO THE PROBLEM)

Center for Political Conceptology,  Graduate School of Business,  Southern Federal University

Objective of the study is to describe the panorama of the analysis of Italian fascism and German Nazism of 1920-1945 by systematizing the main problems of literature published in the 1960s and 1970s in European countries, but still little known in the scientific community of Russia. The methodological basis of the research is formed by the author's works devoted to the study of the main ideologies of modernity (especially traditionalism and conservatism) and the creation of political conceptology – a new direction of socio-political research. Research results. The results and their discussion consist in the constitution of a special thematic and problem field. It includes: formulation of initial questions; country and power typologies of fascism; Soviet tradition of research; criticism of Stalinism; state and terror; influence of revolutions on the genesis of fascism; general properties of fascist dictatorships; specifics of fascist mentality; correlation of biographical and institutional trends of the genesis of fascism, etc. Prospects of the study are determined by the fact that new dictatorships require detailed analysis and the development of universal knowledge, not only because of the existence of neo-fascist movements that form the marginality of European political life. They need to be known primarily because fascisms and Nazisms of 1919-1945 are part of the genealogy of modernity. In addition, the classic fascism of Mussolini and Hitler form a secret ideal for imitation by far from one of the current statesmen who officially dissociate themselves from the new dictatorships.

Dictatorship
Modernity
Ideology
Politics
Constitution
Modernization theory
Power (physics)
Political science
Sociology
Law
History
Social science
Democracy


International Fascism and the Allure of the ‘Third Way’ in Interwar Greece

Keele University School of Humanities UK Keele

Abstract The rise and victory of Italian Fascism in the first half of the 1920s passed Greece by. Yet soon afterwards the international experience of ‘fascism’ found more receptive audiences within the prodigious dissident ‘third spaces’ where more and more mainstream Greek political actors chose to operate in the interwar period. This article explores the dynamics of the ideological and political formation of ‘third ways’ in interwar Greece, paying attention to the interplay between international stimuli and local contextual singularities. In these thirding spaces ‘fascism’ was understood and operationalised in very different, subjective, and ever-shifting ways by each of these actors. It was regarded mostly as a potential component of diverse thirding processes/solutions and rarely as the desired outcome thereof. This explains why fascism came to inform a range of very different thirding projects in interwar Greece—from pursuing rupture and renewal to aspiring to status quo-affirmation; from liberal to conservative to authoritarian visions; from searching for a short-term ‘remedy’ to envisioning a long-term radical transformation.

Vision
Interwar period
Ideology
Politics
Status quo
Mainstream
Authoritarianism
Political economy
Intelligentsia
Political science
Victory
Sociology
World War II
Law
Democracy


Studying Fascism transculturally: Italian scholarship in the international arena

Department of Literary Studies, Ghent University, Belgium

In 2005, Enzo Traverso argued that a very problematic trend was affecting German memory culture and scholarship about Nazism. Echoing an alarm raised earlier by Timothy Mason, the scholar contended that at least since the 1980s there had been a progressive ‘disparition de la notion de “fascism” du champ historiographique’ (disappearance of the concept of ‘fascism’ from historiography) (p.94). The phenomenon observed by Traverso has found concrete materialisation in the EU's politics of memory developed throughout the twenty-first century. As Filippo Focardi argues in his work Nel cantiere della memoria (2020), the EU memory discourse has been shaped around a totalitarian paradigm centred on the memorialisation of Nazi and Communist crimes, in which the notion of a general form of fascism finds little space, and Italian Fascism only exists as a marginal epiphenomenon. This situation has begun to change in recent years as the growing success of far-right movements across the globe has brought international attention to the concept of fascism. Many Italian scholars, who have never ceased to study fascism, are now directing their efforts towards the international arena to contribute to a discussion that seems to have acquired particular significance for the understanding of our time.

Nazism
Scholarship
Historiography
Politics
Phenomenon
German
The Holocaust
Sociology
History
Aesthetics
Philosophy
Political science
Law
Epistemology
Linguistics


‘The Falange Changed Our Way of Being Completely’: Women and Gender Identity in Spanish Fascism

Dichotomy
Victory
Dictatorship
Agency (philosophy)
Politics
Subjectivity
Sociology
Subordination (linguistics)
Gender studies
Context (archaeology)
Power (physics)
Identity (music)
Political science
Law
Democracy
Epistemology
Aesthetics
History
Social science


Educating for radical hope in face of rising fascism

The Seymour Fox School of Education, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel

The Review of Education Pedagogy & Cultural Studies

Temporalities
Ideology
Marxist philosophy
Aesthetics
Sociology
Power (physics)
Face (sociological concept)
Temptation
Epistemology
Environmental ethics
Political science
Law
Politics
Social science
Psychology
Philosophy
Social psychology


Does the “Fascism Debate” Matter for Understanding 2024 American Politics?

The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science

Psychological nativism
Democracy
Politics
Solidarity
Political science
Political culture
Sociology
Political economy
Collectivism
Social science
Law
Individualism


FASCISM IN THE WORKS OF THE AMERICAN HISTORIAN GEORGE MOSSE (1918-1999)

ФГБОУ ВО «Удмуртский государственный университет»

Вестник Удмуртского университета Социология Политология Международные отношения

The author examines the assessments of fascism presented in the works of the famous American historian G. Mosse. G. Mosse was one of the first to consider fascism as a pan-European phenomenon, emphasizing both the diversity and similarity of various fascist movements. Among the common features that should be considered in national contexts, he singled out: the concept of revolution as a "spiritual revolution", nationalist or racist mysticism, the search for a "third way", revolutionary dynamism and the problem of "taming the revolution", the myth of the new man, the fusion of bourgeois morality and respectability with the ethics of fascism, represented by militant and traditionalist models of courageous men. G. Mosse was one of the first to turn to anthropology to reconstruct the belief system of people who lived in the late XIX and early XX centuries to explain how the Third Reich could become a political reality. G. Mosse pays great attention to the ideological factor, considering the prerequisites of fascism, at a time when the fascist ideology was perceived by historians as complete nonsense. G. Mosse characterizes fascism as a secular religion and turns to the study of the "liturgical elements" of fascism, symbols and myths as means to understand how modern mass movements received popular support. His numerous publications contributed to a paradigm shift in fascist studies. In this sense, he anticipated the cultural orientation of later authors, such famous historians of fascism as S. Payne, R. Griffin and E. Gentile.

Ideology
Militant
Mythology
Sociology
Nationalism
Politics
Religious studies
Aesthetics
History
Philosophy
Law
Classics
Political science


They, the people. Italian Fascism and the ambivalences of corporative populism

Department of Linguistics and Comparative Cultural Studies, Ca’ Foscari University of Venice

Department of Linguistics and Comparative Cultural Studies, Ca' Foscari University of Venice

Abstract This paper argues that, in terms of their view of the ‘people’, leaderistic plebiscitarism and corporative organicism are two sides of the same coin, which resulted in aspirational fascist totalitarian democracy. The binary – and intrinsically ambiguous – view of the ‘people’ is examined first in the passive and indeterminate qualities attributed to the Italian population, then in the institutional device designed to lead it. The resulting twofold paradigm of corporative populism is reviewed with reference to the model put together and popularised by Giuseppe Bottai, which is presented in three different forms.

Populism
Organicism
Democracy
Population
Sociology
Political science
Political economy
Law
Epistemology
Politics
Philosophy


Masculinity and Fascism in Three Dystopic American Novels

Many American authors of the 20 century, concerned by their era’s proclivity for idealization and archetypal behavior, published nightmare visions of America under Fascist rule. Three American dystopic novels, Sinclair Lewis’ It Can’t Happen Here, Philip K. Dick’s The Man in the High Castle, and Philip Roth’s The Plot Against America, all examine the ways in which a Fascist regime appropriates the masculine discourse to legitimize its hold over the people and justify repression against marginal groups. Government restriction of the access to masculinity marks those outside the “normal” system as subhuman and encourages violent repression, and constitutes the necessary mindset for mass slaughter. In all of these works, the regime firmly controls both access to and definition of normative male behavior, promotes traditional Victorian concepts of manhood, and alienates and marginalizes “other” men outside this homogeneous concept. These dystopic works illustrate the absolute necessity to construct gender expectations and ideals outside of Victorian criteria. Ultimately, each of the male protagonists finds a way to resist subjugation through alternative forms of masculinity based within a different, less Victorian concept of manhood.

Wife
Deviance (statistics)
Sociology
Civilization
Ideology
Masculinity
Normative
Aesthetics
Politics
Gender studies
Law
Political science
Philosophy


Authoritarianism and Fascism in Interwar Europe: Approaches and Legacies

Authoritarianism
Interwar period
Political science
Economic history
Political economy
Sociology
Economics
World War II
Politics
Law
Democracy


A Test of Names: Franco Fortini and Primo Levi on the Language of Anti-Fascism

Politics
Meaning (existential)
Communism
Face (sociological concept)
Aesthetics
Left-wing politics
Sociology
Literature
Philosophy
History
Law
Linguistics
Political science
Art
Epistemology


W. E. B. Du Bois and European fascism between the wars

This article examines W. E. B. Du Bois’s writings on European inter-war fascism. He left a wealth of commentary on Italian fascism and German Nazism which has yet to be explored. As an anti-racist scholar, Du Bois brought to his writings on fascism a sharp and incisive understanding of race and racism, as well as global imperialism. As the author demonstrates, Du Bois saw both racism and imperialism as social facts of a historical formation: the West. Du Bois articulated a particularly historical vision of fascism − not seeing the two world wars of the twentieth century to be an ideological break from the nineteenth. Slavery, he argued, was still conditioning global history and white-supremacist racial nationalism was the necessary social force for European fascist organisation.


How the Ideas of Nationalism and Neo-Fascism are Taking Hold of the Masses

Russian Academy of Rocket and Artillery Sciences

Humanities and Social Sciences Bulletin of the Financial University

Finance University under the Government of the Russian Federation

The paper presents an analysis of the genesis of German Fascism and Nazism. The ways and factors (socio-economic, the role of education, the position of the Church) that contributed to the wild spread of the extremist ideology of Nazism and racism among the masses of the German people are examined. Having formed a hatred of Russians, Soviet “subhumans” and fanatical devotion, the German people provided the ideological basis for the genocide of the Soviet people during the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945. The continuity of the ideas of extreme Russophobia and genocide against Russians between the Third Reich and the criminal Kiev regime, between the German Nazism and the Ukrainian Nazism of the XXI century has been revealed. The article shows the similarities in the methods of zombifying people with the ideas of Nazism in Germany in the first half of the 20th century and in Ukraine in the late 20 th — early decades of the 21 st century. It is noted that the national (state) historical discourse plays a very important role in protecting the consciousness of the people from the impact of destructive ideologies.

Nazism
Ideology
Hatred
German
Genocide
Nationalism
Ukrainian
Political science
Racism
Patriotism
Nazi Germany
Law
Sociology
Religious studies
History
Philosophy
Politics


Critical Theory after Frankfurt : Angela Davis, the West German SDS, and the Critique of Fascism

Among the most famous documents to emerge from the West German student movement is the Organisationsreferat by

German
Critical theory
Philosophy
Psychoanalysis
Art
Sociology
Epistemology
Psychology
Linguistics


Hidden in Plain Sight: Fascism in Quebec during the Second World War

My doctoral dissertation on anti-Semitism and extreme right-wing nationalism in 1929–39 Quebec proved to be a thread that, once pulled, would reveal other aspects of Quebec history that had also been hidden in plain sight. The writing of the most prominent nationalists of the 1930s was available in most university libraries in Quebec. While some politicians acknowledged in their memoirs the influence of these intellectuals in their youth, the appeal of fascism and anti-Semitism was never mentioned. Their resounding silence was quickly shattered by reading the Université de Montréal (University of Montreal)’s Le Quartier Latin student newspaper, where articles praising fascism and denouncing the Jewish influence were common, and a little book that claimed that Pierre Elliott Trudeau had been a member of a revolutionary organisation that aimed at toppling the provincial government to establish an independent Quebec freed from democracy. Researching the French Nazi collaborators warmly received in Quebec after the Second World War led to a little-known man who became the personal ambassador to the Vatican of the premier of Quebec, Maurice Duplessis, during the Asbestos Strike of 1949. Combing through the files of some of the leading actors of that conflict in the Jesuits’ archives would reveal that the miners’ health threatened by asbestosis was a significant issue that the historiography of the event had neglected.

Sight
World War II
First world war
History
Ancient history
Archaeology
Astronomy
Physics


Mussolini and ChatGPT. Examining the Risks of A.I. writing Historical Narratives on Fascism

Narrative
History
Sociology
Literature
Political science
Gender studies
Art


I Was Gonna Fight Fascism…The Need for a Critical Approach to Illiberalism

Annie Collovald, Le populisme du FN : un dangereux

Senior Lecturer, University of Bath, Bath United Kingdom

Illiberalism, much like populism, has become a buzzword. While some excellent research has been done on the matter, helping us make sense of our current political moment, much of the discourse around the term has made it blurrier and been outright counterproductive in the defence of democracy. Often, the use of illiberalism has led to a flattening and simplification of the complex nature of politics, pitting an ideal, fantasised version of liberalism against a caricatural, homogenous and exceptionalising version of illiberalism. While those defending the former are widely considered not only unable to respond to, but at the origin of the many crises our societies and planet are facing, they are justified if only through the comparison with the latter: we are bad, but they are worse. This has not only been counterproductive with regards to addressing said crises, but it has legitimised certain illiberal alternatives, found on the far right in particular, both as alternatives to the status quo, and through the false equivalence it constructs with alternatives on the left which seek to explore beyond the liberal fantasy. To address this vicious circle, it is essential to take a critical approach to illiberalism as a concept. This short piece outlines three essential starting points: 1. Liberalism should not be constructed as an innate good, as homogenous and as above critique; 2. Critical takes on liberalism should not be automatically equated with siding with the reactionary kind of illiberalism; 3. There should be an unequivocal denunciation of far right/reactionary politics with no compromise or absorption.


THE ECONOMISTS AND THE PRESS IN ITALY FROM THE END OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY UNTIL FASCISM: THE CASE OF LUIGI EINAUDI

Giovanni Pavanelli: Department of Economics, Mathematics and Statistics ESOMAS, University of Turin. E-mail:

Journal of the History of Economic Thought

Luigi Einaudi was an authoritative Italian economist and a leading representative of economic and political liberalism in Europe. After the Second World War, he became governor of the Bank of Italy and president of the Italian Republic. This paper analyzes his role as opinion maker from the end of the nineteenth century until the 1920s, when he was a leading columnist at La Stampa and the Corriere della Sera , the most influential newspapers in Italy at that time. It focuses on the scope and limits of Einaudi’s efforts to broaden consensus in Italian public opinion on the principles of economic liberalism and free competition. To this end, it investigates Einaudi’s journalistic style, his views on the role of the newspapers, and his large following among the public. Further sections analyze the main issues tackled by Einaudi in his articles in the Corriere and the systematic work of propaganda he enacted during World War I to convince the Italian households to reduce consumption and to finance the military expenditure. A final section deals with the “reconstruction program” devised by Einaudi in the early 1920s with the aim of restoring price stability and fiscal restraint, his efforts in the Corriere to propagate this program, and his forced retreat from journalism after the beginning of the fascist regime in 1924–25.

Newspaper
Politics
Competition (biology)
Economic history
Public opinion
Liberalism
Consumption (sociology)
Political science
Journalism
Economy
Law
History
Sociology
Economics
Social science


Past, present, and future of the Italian memory of Fascism. Interviews with Luisa Passerini, Filippo Focardi, John Foot, Robert Gordon, and Philip Cooke

Department of Italian, University College, Cork, Ireland

Abstract This article consists of interviews with five world experts on the memory of Fascism. Taking the centenary of the March on Rome as an opportunity to rethink the development of Italian collective memory, the five interviewees were asked to reflect on different aspects of the Italian memory of Fascism, addressing the dominant conceptualisations, limits, and transformations of the discourses used to narrate Fascism in Italian culture. The result of these conversations, which touch upon issues related to the memory of the Resistance, the Second World War, the Holocaust, and colonialism, is a rich overview of the main trends and current trajectories of Italian memory culture, which can help us imagine the future directions of the Italian memory of Fascism and enhance interventions in this field by memory scholars and memory activists.

Colonialism
Resistance (ecology)
The Holocaust
Collective memory
Sociology
Art history
History
Aesthetics
Art
Political science
Law


Socio-Economic and Legal Aspects of the Formation of Italian Fascism in the First Half of the XX Century

Kemerovo State University, Russia, Kemerovo 1970

Bulletin of Kemerovo State University Series Humanities and Social Sciences

The economic and social development of Italian fascism lasted from 1913 to the early 1940s. It was fueled by the common economic interests of business elite and right-wing organizations, who combined their efforts to exploit the working class, reduce production costs, and maximize profits. The big business provided financial support for fascist organizations, thus shaping their policy. The legal acts adopted during the transitional period declared the inter-class peace, the mediating role of the state between employees and private business, and the supremacy of national interests. However, the same laws strengthened the economic monopolization, prevented trade unions, and limited economic, political, and social rights of the working class. The resulting corporate state model established a rigid framework for medium and small business, as well as hired workers. Although the state propaganda portrayed the state as a mediator between the worker and the employer, Italian state institutions actually protected the interests of the big business and were formed by it.

Elite
Monopolization
State (computer science)
Politics
Big business
Market economy
Political economy
Political science
Business
Economics
Law
Monopoly


The aesthetic politics of fighting for black economic freedom: between militant socialism, fascism and bling-bling

School of Philosophy, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa

Militant
Politics
Socialism
Political science
Law


Nazism, Fascism, and Genocide as Themes in ZANU and ZAPU Propaganda during the War against Rhodesia, 1965–1980

Centre for Imperial and Post Colonial Studies, University of Southampton , Southampton SO17 1BF, UK

Genocide
Nazism
Nationalism
Independence (probability theory)
Colonialism
Political science
Politics
Government (linguistics)
Law
Narrative
Population
Political economy
Gender studies
History
Sociology
Demography
Art


The Motherland and the Fight with Fascism: War Cult and War Film under Brezhnev (1965–82)

Trinity College, University of Cambridge

Abstract This article, based on extensive archival documentation, newspapers, and periodicals, examines the impact upon the Soviet film industry of shifts in top‐level policy relating to representation of the war. It contends that Leonid Brezhnev’s May 8, 1965, speech on the eve of Victory Day propounded an inclusive vision of the war (later sections of the speech comprise an exhaustive inventory of different representatives of military and civilian society who had been responsible for victory). Yet, in lending encouragement to participants of all kinds to consider their experience valid, the speech opened up a discursive space in which validity might be contested. Further, the emphasis in the film industry upon innovation and the need to avoid predictability ran directly against the requirement that commemoration of the war should fit highly ritualized and easily recognizable patterns. The article traces the results of these overall contradictions in the arguments about overall policy on the war film between representatives of the High Command, film managers at Goskino, cinema’s central bureaucracy, and filmmakers themselves, and the controversies around individual films, including Iurii Ozerov’s Liberation (1968–72), Andrei Smirnov’s The Belorussian Station (1970), Aleksei German’s Operation “New Year” (1971, released as Checkpoint , 1985), and Larisa Shepit'ko’s Ascent (1977).

Victory
Cult
Bureaucracy
Newspaper
German
Representation (politics)
History
Spanish Civil War
Media studies
Political science
Literature
Law
Sociology
Art
Politics
Archaeology


Continuity and Change in Italian Foreign Policy under Fascism: A Reexamination of the Corfu Crisis of 1923

Arlington Public Schools Ringgold Standard Institution - Escuela Key Administrative, Arlington, Virginia, USA

Foreign policy
League
Political science
Aggression
Economic history
History
Economy
Law
Economics
Politics
Psychology


Fascism and Resistance in Italy in the interpretation of the Communist Party and the Cristian Democratic Party (1943–1948)

Department of General History of the Faculty of History, Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow

Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow, 125993, Russian Federation

Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, 125993 г.Москва, Российская Федерация Фашизм и Сопротивление в Италии в интерпретации Коммунистической партии и Христианской демократической партии (1943-1948 гг.) В статье выявляется роль мифологемы Сопротивления в формировании партийной идентичности Коммунистической партии Италии и Христианской демократической партии.Рассматривается процесс становления мифологемы и трансформации представлений о фашизме в контексте политических и социальных изменений, произошедших в Италии после Второй мировой войны.Автор рассматривает феномен Сопротивления в качестве конструкта, использовавшегося представителями коммунистического и либерально-демократического лагеря для обоснования собственной идеологии и поиска новой идентичности в изменившихся политических условиях.Для представителей левых сил во главе с коммунистами Сопротивление обладало особым символическим значением, т.к.Коммунистическая партия не была представлена до этого в легальном политическом поле.

Communism
Democracy
Resistance (ecology)
Political science
Interpretation (philosophy)
Political economy
Economic history
Law
Sociology
Philosophy
Economics
Politics


Streetscapes and memories of real socialist anti-fascism in south-eastern Europe: between dystopianism and utopianism

Institute of Slavonic Studies , 37799 Jagiellonian University in Kraków , Krakow , Poland

Abstract Historical revisionism towards the Yugoslavian experience of real socialism is gaining ground in Croatia and Slovenia, as exemplified, for example, by the 2017 renaming of Zagreb’s Marshal Tito Square and similar cases in Šibenik or Karlovac, as well as parallel developments in Ljubljana. However, the spaces that once represented the Yugoslavian workers’ movement and the anti-fascist struggle can be also subject to nostalgic practices termed Titostalgia. This study employs an analysis inspired by a discourse-historical approach to scrutinize the arguments used in naming controversies in nine Croatian and Slovenian localities from 2011 to 2022. The investigation of semiotic landscapes draws from extensive fieldwork, including photographic documentation consisting of 1,658 images. Dystopian interpretations of Yugoslavia’s past turn out to be propagated through top–down discourses, circulating in media outlets and endorsed by local authorities through infrastructural signage. These discourses are typically initiated by civil society actors aligned with right and far right politics. Besides mild media opposition, which mainly invokes anti-fascist values, smaller urban centres exhibit passive resistance or inertia towards the renaming, observable in grassroots signage. Conversely, capital cities emerge as hubs of intense expressive and predominantly progressive ideological semiotic practices within the renamed spaces.


Content analysis of official Roman catholic church criticism towards Italian Fascism and German National Socialism in Pius XI’s encyclics

M. V. Lomonosov Moscow State University
M. V. Lomonosov Moscow State University

The present article analyses Pope Pius XI’s encyclics against Italian Fascism and German National Socialism, as well as encyclics on social issues in general that touch upon the said ideologies. Among them are, respectively, Non abbiamo bisogno and Mit brennender Sorge, and Quadragesimo anno and Divini illius Magistri. Analysing their contents reveals two major avenues of criticism levelled against Italian Fascism: one, that a state cannot supersede the family in matters of the raising of children and position itself as the source of morals and an object of unconditional obedience; and two, that a state constantly projecting its authority into the private life of an individual runs contrary to freedom of association and freedom of contract inherent to it. With regards to German National Socialism, this is complemented by a third avenue expounding on the unacceptability of racism.

German
Criticism
Nazism
Obedience
Ideology
State (computer science)
Law
Political science
Racism
Socialism
Religious studies
Sociology
Philosophy
Communism


The Anti-Nazi League, ‘Another White Organisation’? British Black Radicals against Racial Fascism

PhD student, Department of History, University of Birmingham https://dx.doi.org/150730 Birmingham UK

Abstract This article explores how Britain’s Black Power movement challenged the political outlook of the anti-fascist left in the 1960s–70s. While the established left interpreted the National Front ( NF ) as an aberrant threat to Britain’s social democracy, Black political groups foregrounded the systemic racial violence of the British state. By addressing intensifying racial oppression during a critical early phase in the transition to neoliberalism, they prefigured Stuart Hall’s analysis of ‘authoritarian populism’. The British Black Power movement especially criticised the high-profile Anti-Nazi League ( ANL ) for its singular focus on the NF , which was framed as a revived Hitlerite peril. For British Black radicals, the larger strategic problem was the populist racism, inflected by imperial nostalgia, which propelled Thatcher’s New Right to power. Instead of narrow Nazi analogies, they related the re-emergence of white nationalism to British social democracy’s racist treatment of Black immigrants, as well as its neocolonial role abroad.

Racism
Politics
Nationalism
Democracy
Political science
Power (physics)
League
Authoritarianism
Black Power
Nazism
White (mutation)
Gender studies
Political economy
Sociology
Law


“Why We Have Become Revolutionaries and Murderers”: Radicalization, Terrorism, and Fascism in the Ustaša–Croatian Revolutionary Organization

Department of History, Central European University, Vienna, Austria

Department of History and the Hugo Valentin Centre, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden

This article advances an interdisciplinary and multifactorial socio-cultural approach to the fascistization of the Ustaša in interwar Yugoslavia, leading to terrorism and racial cleansing. It concentrates on the life-trajectories of Mijo Babić and Zvonimir Pospišil, two nationalist activists notoriously known as the first Ustaša terrorists. Drawing on the previously unknown political memoirs of Pospišil and Babić, the article argues that the two activists bridged several phases of cumulative radicalization in the Ustaša organization, from the adop- tion of political violence at the grass-root level in the 1920s to international terrorism in the 1930s and then state-sponsored genocide in the first half of the 1940s. The article points out that Ustaša underwent most forms of political radicalization to terrorism identified by McCauley and Moskalenko (2008), but it also adds to their typology a case of radicalization to mass violence in the regime phase. Ustaša’s trajectory thus illustrates a rare process of transition from the radicalization of an oppositional, non-state group to mass radicaliza- tion leading to racial genocidal policies under a fascist-totalitarian regime. It is hoped that the biographical approach to radicalization advanced by the article contributes to a better understanding of politically motivated terrorism and mass violence in post-1918 Europe

Radicalization
Terrorism
Politics
Political violence
State (computer science)
Criminology
Political science
Nationalism
Genocide
Sociology
Political economy
Law


Governo Bolsonaro: Neofascismo e autocracia burguesa no Brasil

. Dividido em três seções e uma breve conclusão, apresenta, primeiramente, uma

de análise apre-sentadas por Florestan Fernandes -autocracia burguesa e contrarrevolução permanente e preventiva -,

responsável pela difusão de uma «ideologia de gênero»,

. Ganhando mais espaço em programas de mídia televisiva, mesmo que algumas

estudo de maior fôlego sobre o Governo Bolsonaro

governo e o bolsonarismo no campo da extrema--direita atual, recorrendo à análise histórica dos fascis-mos, de

Instituto Português de Relações Internacionais

The article presents a discussion on the conditions of the emergence of “bolsonarism” in the recent Brazilian historical process. From the debates on European fascism in the first half of the 20th century and on neo-fascism today, as well as the analyzes on “bourgeois autocracy”, formulated by the sociologist Florestan Fernandes, an analytical framework to approach Bolsonaro, the movement around him and his government is presented.

Bourgeoisie
Autocracy
Government (linguistics)
Economic history
Political science
Political economy
Sociology
Politics
History
Democracy
Law
Philosophy


Contributions to the History of Concepts

Abstract Fascism has returned—not necessarily as a regime type, but as a central concept in political discourse. This editorial examines how the term “fascism” has been used to characterize Trumpism. While some historians have cautioned against simplistic analogies, other commentators and scholars insist that Trump embodies core fascist traits. Conceptual history provides a lens to analyze how fascism functions not only as an analytical category but also as a Kampfbegriff —a weaponized term in political struggle. The question emerges, however, whether the concept of fascism, even when justified as a necessary weapon in the current situation, does not ultimately risk preventing an appreciation of what is novel about Trumpism, and of its entanglement with a contemporary “postmodern” moment, arguably very different from the modern seedbed of mid-twentieth-century fascism.

Philosophy History Epistemology Sociology


Authoritarian populism, neo-fascism and 2022 national elections: Agrarian implications from the advance of the extreme right in Brazil / Populismo autoritário, neofascismo e eleições nacionais de 2022: implicaçõesagrárias em consequência do avanço da extrema direita no Brasil / Populismo autoritario, neofascismo y elecciones nacionales de 2022:implicaciones agrarias del avance de la extrema derecha en Brasil

Bolsonaro was elected in 2018 with a very conservative political agenda, promising neoliberal economic measures, and opposing to minority’s rights. Bolsonaro has been well-known as a right-wing and authoritarian politician and his government is recognised as extreme right, conservative, and/or neo-fascist, with important setbacks in public policies. The ‘bolsonarismo’ shall be defeated, but the electoral process will not be easy, with fake news. The open threats to democracy are leading to alliances of democratic and popular political forces, including agrarian and urban social movements. This article reflects critically about Bolsonaro administration, particularly the dismantling of public policies, reflecting about the political actions of the agrarian movements in the 2022 electoral process.

Populism
Agrarian society
Political science
Authoritarianism
Extreme right
Political economy
Democracy
Economics
Law
History
Politics


German and Italian Fascisms: An Impediment to Theorizing Fascism?

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND EDUCATION RESEARCH STUDIES

Fascism as a concept enjoys a plethora of definitions, usages and variants which lead to the problems of social science to have a generic theory of fascism. This paper aims to explore the differences between the two fascist variants of the interwar period in Europe, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to reflect on the question of whether exploration of these differences may contribute to social science’s quest to theorize fascism. Though the two fascist regimes differ widely in terms of totalitarianism, ideology, nation and race, state and party relationships, the extent of resistance and the existence of multiple power centers, and finally, the use of total terror; exploration of different fascisms, rather than negating the possibility of having a generic definition of fascism, allows us to explore some of the central characteristics of fascism: its flexibility and resilience.

German
Ideology
Nazism
Nazi Germany
Sociology
Power (physics)
Resistance (ecology)
Race (biology)
State (computer science)
Period (music)
Flexibility (engineering)
Interwar period
Psychological resilience
Political science
Epistemology
Social science
Politics
World War II
Gender studies
Law
History
Aesthetics
Philosophy
Social psychology
Psychology


Secular Humanist Society of Peru Lima Peru

Abstract Contemporary fascism is an understudied phenomenon in Latin America. As a contribution to this understudied area, this article analyzes the evolution of fascist thought in Peru from its interwar history to the twenty-first century. Following Roger Griffin’s influential ‘new consensus’ approach to fascism studies based on a fascist minimum, this study explores Peruvian fascism and will argue that fascism developed new expressions in the years after 1945. It will develop the terms ‘neo-fascism’ and ‘post-fascism’, based on Griffin’s fascist minimum, to clarify the nature of the fascist movements to be analyzed. It will conclude that historically Peruvian fascism was exemplified by the Partido Unión Revolucionaria [Revolutionary Union Party], while in the postwar period, it took two parallel directions: the uniquely Peruvian neo-fascism of Acción Legionaria [Legionary Action] and the ethnocacerist or Andean post-fascism of Antauro Humala.

Griffin
Latin Americans
Phenomenon
Period (music)
History
Political science
Economic history
Humanities
Law
Philosophy
Classics
Aesthetics
Epistemology


Department of Political Science, Luiss University, Rome, Italy

Abstract When did fascism end? Did it end in July 1943, with the fall of Mussolini from power, or in April 1945, with Liberation Day? The argument of this article is that fascism was not simply a historical experience but a political form that attempted to transcend Italy’s social and political fractures with fantasies and unrealistic but nevertheless captivating expectations. Its hypnotic contagious power cast a mimetic spell that can be continuously reloaded: by blurring the boundaries between truth and lies; by exploiting crowd irrationality; by establishing boundaries between outsiders and insiders; by perpetuating negative sentiments of hostility, fear and envy within society; and by manipulating time. The argument, therefore, is that fascism has never ended, not merely in the sense of political and cultural continuity, but in the deeper sense of immanency within the body politic of Italy’s democracy. As such, it is meaningless to wonder whether fascism might come back. It is here and now, in the only form that current historical circumstances allow it to exist – and yet it might be countered by a process of rejection that individuals and political communities can and should exercise in their everyday life, adopting the political form generated by the Resistance.


How did socialists in interwar Europe interpret fascism as it was evolving in the period? Taking a broad sociology of knowledge approach, this article examines the significant variety and complexity of socialist interpretations of fascism, but also the ways in which organisational interests, competitive intersocialist relations, and situational forces shaped and constrained these analyses. Furthermore, it explores the ways in which socialist defeats and the detachment of intellectuals from socialist organisations produced creative ruptures in socialist knowledge about fascism. The vigour, diversity, and richness of the knowledge on fascism produced by socialists in the interwar period can be of significant contemporary value to the Left as it faces an expanding, enigmatic far-right.

Sociology
Political science
Psychoanalysis
Psychology


Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research)

Abstract: Fascism arises when workers' militancy falls, it takes place in countries of late industrialization where the demands on the state are very strong. In Italy landowners played a very important role. The bourgeoisie plays a very important role in the unification of the state, but not in the fascist movements of democracy. In these countries, especially in Austria and Germany, liberalism is anticlerical and undemocratic, very conservative in nature. The bourgeoisie facilitates the rise of fascism to power. After the IGM, Europe is divided into two blocs: democratic and non-democratic. In the countries where the interwar crisis went better, democracies were established for a longer time, their cultural traditions, the commitment of the parties to democracy and the functioning of the institutions were much better. These institutions persist in the transition from one regime to another, authoritarian regimes turn to the right. There are 4 modes: Title: Fascism and democratization Author: Daze Putina International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research  ISSN 2348-3156 (Print), ISSN 2348-3164 (online) Vol. 10, Issue 3, July 2022 - September 2022 Page No: 127-131 Research Publish Journals Website: www.researchpublish.com Published Date: 20-July-2022 DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6865942 Paper Download Link (Source) https://www.researchpublish.com/papers/fascism-and-democratization

Democratization
Political science
Democracy
Politics
Law


Sympathy
George (robot)
Falling (accident)
Art
Art history
Classics
History
Psychology


From Ideology to Algorithms, The New Face of Fascism: Digital Fascism

Anemon Muş Alparslan Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi

Classical fascism, as defined by Benito Mussolini, is widely recognized for its authoritarianism and extreme nationalism. By contrast, digital fascism refers to the reproduction and reinforcement of these ideologies through digital platforms, including social media and big data technologies. This study examines the evolution of classical fascism in the digital age, emphasizing how technological advancements have reshaped authoritarian ideologies. Utilizing a qualitative methodology, the research integrates an extensive literature review with detailed case analyses. Platforms such as Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and the Aadhaar biometric identification system, alongside their algorithmic applications, are analyzed to assess their roles in disseminating authoritarian ideologies and enabling individual surveillance. The study contends that digital fascism operates without requiring a central leader or organizational structure, instead exploiting social media algorithms to exacerbate social polarization. Furthermore, the manipulative use of social media and the unethical application of big data and artificial intelligence technologies are identified as key mechanisms for sustaining constant surveillance. This dynamic not only consolidates the authority of authoritarian regimes but also amplifies the power of large corporations. Within this framework, digital fascism is conceptualized as an extension of the authoritarian and oppressive dimensions of classical fascism into the digital domain. The research underscores the ideological continuity between classical and digital fascism, highlighting the growing suppression of individual freedoms in the digital era.

Ideology
Face (sociological concept)
Algorithm
Computer science
Political science
Sociology
Law
Politics
Social science


Conference in Voronezh on the Problems of Fascism and Anti-Fascism

Air Force Academy named after Professor N.E. Zhukovsky and Yu.A. Gagarin


Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, Croatia

This paper explores the question of whether fascism is an epochal phenomenon or a generic set of characteristics by looking at the playable faction, the Imperium of Man, in the tabletop game and lore of the Warhammer 40k universe. It examines the fascist elements present in the Imperium’s governance, societal structures, and leadership, drawing parallels with historical fascist regimes like Nazi Germany. Within the context of the debate in the literature on fascism, it raises the argument that though Warhammer 40k is a fabricated, fictional universe, the mobilizing passions of its martial ethos and the repressive logic of its ideology demonstrate how fascism can exist beyond the time and place of the interwar period and the Second World War. Ultimately through the exploration of the Imperium of Man, this paper shows fascism is more than an epochal phenomenon, and should be seen as a seductive epiphenomenon capable of returning as an emergent and powerful political force.