“Is the West?” – Dmytro Dontsov and His Searching for the Ideal of Civilization

Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska sectio F – Historia

The article discusses the point of view of Dmytro Dontsov, who was a co-founder of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, and his attitude towards the pro-Western cultural orientation of Ukraine. That question was one of the key issues in Ukrainian intellectual discourse of the interwar period, one of the participants of which was also Dontsov. He came from Zaporozhye, but in the interwar period he stayed outside the borders of Soviet Ukraine and lived in Lviv. This allowed him to freely express his views. In numerous publications, he emphasized the need for Ukrainians to adopt the Western system of values and “break with the East”. The way he understood “the West” and described its values were under an ideological influence. Dontsov’s views evolved and depends on his preferences of countries that, in his opinion, could become models for Ukraine and Ukrainians. His fascination of German-speaking, Anglo-Saxon or Romance nations was under influence of finding and discarding periodic “preferences” and produced the ideological synergy of values. Dontsov’s public annunciation in the interwar period caused that he was often perceived as a supporter not so much of integral nationalism as a promoter of fascism and Nazism. Arguing with his opponents, Dontsov tried to downplay their accusations and to develop the concept of nationalism through references to Western European culture.

Ideology
Nationalism
Ukrainian
Civilization
Interwar period
Nazism
Period (music)
Sociology
World War II
Political science
Law
Philosophy
Aesthetics
Politics


Preparing the stages for popular deliberation. Political parties, voters and extra-parliamentary communication in West Germany and Europe, 1940s–70s

University of Freiburg, Freiburg, Germany

Deliberation
Politics
Political science
Political communication
Political economy
Sociology
Law


Living Together" and UtopiaLonging for a better way of "living together" is probably as old as humanity.Since antiquity, and arguably discursively rendered more precisely by Thomas More's Utopia in 1516, in every part of the world human beings engaged in what came to be called utopian imagining and utopian community building.In cultural, sociological, political, religious, and particularly literary studies, utopia, utopian thought, and utopianism became a set of umbrella terms to encompass and understand this fuzzy human activity which, albeit not clearly defined, seeks conceptualizing human capacities that seek a better way of "living together"(for an overview, see: Claeys 2011; Sargent 2010).Yet what has been the utopia for some, signaled dystopia for others, an equation that frenetically differentiates between utopia and politics, and which became particularly powerful in Cold War anti-communist propaganda that wanted to make us believe that utopia would just be the breeding ground for the twentieth-century totalitarian catastrophes fascism and state-socialism (Ingram 2016, xi).For most proponents of utopia, however, a better "living together" has usually implied to build a better world, hopefully for all, in which political oppression, labor exploitation, gender inequality, and racist as well as sexist discrimination, among other issues, would have been


Decisionism and Liberal Constitutionalism in Postwar Japan: Maruyama Masao’s Critique of Carl Schmitt’s Concept of the Political

Political Science Department, Indiana University Bloomington, 107 S Indiana Ave., Bloomington, IN 47405, USA

Politics
Weimar Republic
Subjectivity
Political culture
Sovereignty
Constitutionalism
Political philosophy
Democracy
Sociology
Law
Political subjectivity
Authoritarianism
Political economy
Political science
Philosophy
Epistemology


Popular Culture and Mediatic Islamophobias: A Decolonial Reading of Exodus and Bharat Eik Khoj

National University of Modern Languages, Pakistan

Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research

Reading (process)
History
Art
Political science
Law


Coal and Mines in the Era of Fascist Ventennio in Italy

Roberta Varriale
Silvana Bartoletto
Sabrina Sabiu

Institute for Studies on the Mediterranean (ISMed), National Research Council of Italy (CNR), 80134 Naples, Italy

Department of Economic and Legal Studies (DISEG), Parthenope University of Naples, 80133 Naples, Italy

Ministero Dell’istruzione (MIUR), 00186 Rome, Italy

Ministero Dell'istruzione (MIUR), 00186 Rome, Italy

Multidisciplinary Digital Publishing Institute

Access to raw materials has always been one of the main drivers of economic growth. In Italy, where the relationship between exports and imports has always been negative, during the fascist period, several new opportunities and limits were introduced and many efforts were made to promote the exploitation of Italian resources to support the energy transition, focusing on energy autonomy. But were these efforts sufficient to ensure the achievement of the objectives, or did the internal demand for coal always make trade and technological exchanges with foreign countries necessary, despite what fascist propaganda showed through its communication strategy during the so-called Ventennio? This research, which is part of a significant debate regarding the role of mines in the economic, social, and cultural development in Italy during fascism, was based on the analysis of several series of unpublished data regarding energy consumption, imports, and production in Italy and the international technological debate about Sardinia Island, where the most productive Italian coal mines were opened. Based on a comparison of results, this research aimed at refuting the hypothesis that during the energy transition from wood to coal, Italy was closed both to the international technical, scientific, and methodological debates regarding the mining sector and energy imports.

Coal
Coal mining
Mining engineering
Environmental science
Geology
Archaeology
Geography


The Political Domination of Identity in Indonesian Political Controversy and Mitigation of Election 2024

The political practice of identity in a political reality is indeed a matter of discretion, given that identity itself is inherent to man. Practices of identity politics potentially have two significant impacts: positive and negative. This study seeks to look at the political impact of identity on some of Indonesia's political contestation experiences and provide constructive advice to mitigate something similar in the forthcoming 2024 elections. This research is qualitative and is accompanied by descriptive techniques of analysis by studying reference sources relevant to the research. The results of this study show that in the context of political controversy in Indonesia, identity politics has been shaped throughout the electoral momentum: Pilpres 2014, Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2019, and Pilpres 2019 were used as political strategies by hitting the identities of other candidates. The emergence of mainstream groups using religious symbols and provocative narratives as an attempt to catch the hearts of voters means that the course of electoral momentum tends to advance sentiment rather than argument. If identity politics continues to flourish, it will potentially give rise to fascism, separatism, and so on. To prevent the same from happening in the forthcoming 2024 elections, it would require mitigation efforts such as strengthening religious moderation, promoting political ethics and ideas of candidates, and increasing digital literacy for voters, so that the niche will create quality electoral processes and outcomes.

Indonesian
Politics
Identity (music)
Political science
Political economy
Sociology
Law
Aesthetics
Philosophy
Linguistics


“Don't Be a Jerk”: Jewish Labor Organizations, Popular Art, and Anti-prejudice Education following World War II

Labor Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas

Prejudice (legal term)
Racism
Privilege (computing)
Persuasion
Political science
Ballot
Sociology
Faith
Law
Public relations
Gender studies
Politics
Social psychology
Psychology


Dileme razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine

Alojzij Geržinič (1915-2008) was a schoolteacher, professional in culture, publicist, musician and chess player. The first part of the paper outlines his youth, his education and his principled Catholic philosophical outlook. The second part, which covers World War II and the time immediately after it, outlines his career. As an opponent of the Liberation Front, he then, at the request of the Home Guard leadership in Primorska, began to engage in the restoration of the Slovenian schools that had been suppressed by fascism. Upon the arrival of the Yugoslav Army in Trieste, he moved to refugee camps in Italy. At the invitation of dr. Srečko Baraga, he returned to Trieste and took part in the restoration of the Slovenian school system. Despite the opposition of Italians and that part of Slovenians who did not accept the Allied administration and anti-Communist teachers (refugees), the restoration effort succeeded in Trieste and also in the Gorizia region. However, Geržinič soon had to leave Trieste because of his Home Guard past and the dangerous circumstances. He emigrated to Argentina. The third part of the paper focuses on his life in Argentina, where he soon found a suitable employment and started a family. He actively participated in organisations and contributed to bulletins founded by the local Slovenian post-war emigration. Alongside, he extensively indulged in musical composition.

Refugee
Opposition (politics)
Guard (computer science)
Emigration
World War II
Communism
Musical
Nazism
Political science
History
Humanities
Law
Art
Visual arts
Politics


Fuzja anarchizmu z ekologią – główne nurty zielonego anarchizmu, założenia oraz ich geneza

This article describes the ideological outline of a broad doctrine called green anarchism. Green anarchism is one of the branches of anarchist thought, which has gained popularity in modern times, as evidenced by numerous Polish and foreign scientific and popular publications concerning the history of ecological anarchism and the emergence of radical ecological circles that share some of the values which form the basis of the classical anarchist schools (anarcho-communism, anarcho-collectivism, anarcho-individualism and anarcho-syndicalism). Ecological anarchism is a collection of many minor doctrines, philosophies and lifestyles referring to the fight against capitalism, which destroys the natural environment, the apotheosis of freedom, and the promotion of specific diets (fruitarianism, veganism, vegetarianism). The ideas of the co-founders of the green anarchist school are sometimes hostile to related factions and other doctrines (conservatism, nationalism, fascism). The article discusses the ideological profile of the three most popular and well-developed trends in ecological anarchism: anarcho-veganism, anarcho-primitivism and anarcho-naturism. Additionally, it presents excerpts of the works and views of the precursors of this rich political thought (such as Peter Kropotkin, Leo Tolstoy and Henry David Thoreau), the sources of which can be found in the 18th century. The aim of this article is to show that green anarchism is a political thought which has a rich history and is constantly being developed on many continents. It is a critique of contemporary phenomena, such as globalisation, urbanisation, industrialisation, and the destruction of nature resulting from the activities of corporations associated with certain industries.

Ideology
Individualism
Politics
Populism
Communism
Environmental ethics
Sociology
Political science
Capitalism
Law
Philosophy


The Veils of the Eternal Exile in the Hooligan’s Return

UNIVERSITATEA DIN BUCUREȘTI
ANDRA IOANA PUȘCOCI

Universitatea din București [University of Bucharest],

In The Hooligan’s Return, Norman Manea tackles a series of defining themes for post-war European novels, namely exile, memory, self-delusion, the impossibility of return and life under totalitarian regimes. Manea uses the mythical figure of Ulysses to highlight the attempts of the exile to return to his native country in order to reshape the identity that was fragmented by the totalitarian political regime but also to show the inadequacy that the wanderer feels at the end of the journey to his origins. The long peregrinations deprive the exile of landmarks, as he ends up living on the recollection of events from his nightmarish past. The return to Romania and the confrontation with the past do not induce any emotion but prove to Manea that everything that was familiar to him had faded to the point of being emptied of meaning. Not only Jormania has changed, but so has he, and that is why he ends up feeling alienated from his old existence. The reader becomes a witness to the writer’s effort to recall and relive his own past, a process which purifies Manea's nostalgia and dilemmas. The Hooligan's Return highlights the complexity of Norman Manea’s wanderings, an author whose life was shaped by fascism, communism, and exile. For Manea, exile is the main theme of his writing, and the hooligan a mask of eternal exile, a symbol of otherness, regardless of how the exile managed to integrate and adapt to the new context provided by the host country

Witness
Impossibility
Context (archaeology)
Communism
Theme (computing)
Meaning (existential)
Politics
History
Literature
Feeling
Gulag
Aesthetics
Psychoanalysis
Sociology
Art
Philosophy
Law
Psychology
Social psychology
Political science
Epistemology


Challenges and Issues Hindering Internal Peace in Pakistan

The social fabric of Pakistan is being destroyed due to intolerance and violent extremism. This intolerance is rooted back in the historical realities of monarchy, colonialism, dictatorship and fascism. Today, Pakistan is rated very low on the peace index and listed high in conflict and violence. The article identifies the factors contributing to the current issues and conflicts. Through desktop analysis of legal frameworks, international human rights treaties, and the status of marginalized groups, including children, women, minorities, and persons with disabilities, two online focus group discussions involving university faculty members across the country. This is part of a more extensive study to develop a peace education course. This analysis revealed how Pakistan's internal peace challenges are characterized by unequal power distribution and a persistent prioritization of security concerns over social development and radicalism's social, economic, and cultural aspects. The thematic analysis highlighted critical issues, including geopolitical tensions, the dominance of security state apparatus, impacts of historical dictatorships, unsustainable population growth, economic and social warfare, environmental degradation, problematic social behaviours, and educational deficiencies. A key finding is how low literacy rates and inadequate education systems perpetuate these challenges. The study suggests sustainable internal peace requires a holistic approach that addresses structural inequalities and social development needs while promoting inclusive governance and educational reform.

Human security
Political science
Population
Thematic analysis
Human rights
Economic growth
Development economics
Sociology
Political economy
Social science
Law
Qualitative research
Economics


Giovanni Gentile's standing in the United States (1922–1938)

Forum Italicum A Journal of Italian Studies

Politics
Historiography
Context (archaeology)
Classics
History
Law
Political science


Nomadic Art: Decolonising the Human and the Posthuman

Under the reign of global capitalism, migration is becoming a shared condition for increasingly larger numbers of people across the world. At the same time, nomadic forms of living are often targeted by both left- and right-wing populisms, exacerbating issues around what has been called the “Fortress Europe Syndrome.” Inspired by the work of Rosi Braidotti, this paper examines the creation of new posthuman nomadic subjectivities as a possible solution to the deadlock of populism and neo-fascism. I engage with two Portuguese artists, Grada Kilomba and Welket Bungué, whose transdisciplinary work questions issues of racism and colonial violence by turning memory and the performing body into sites of political action. At the same time, in dialogue with Achille Mbembe’s work on decolonisation and Zahi Zalloua’s intervention on posthuman ontologies’ relation to race, I ask whether it is appropriate to theorise on the move beyond the human and into the posthuman, at a time when European colonial history and attitudes to race still need to be further deconstructed. I see Kilomba and Bungué’s work as prime examples of nomadic art, and advocate for more dialogue among academics, artists and local communities, as a way out of the current deadlock, and toward developing a new view of Europe that is free of intellectual, affective, and physical borders. At the same time, I emphasise the need for a critical, self-reflexive form of posthumanism, tackling not only issues of race and colonialism but also the Eurocentric foundations of Western philosophy.

Posthuman
Colonialism
Sociology
Aesthetics
Posthumanism
Politics
Reflexivity
Gender studies
Anthropology
Political science
Law
Art


Anti-Semitism at the Intersection of Corruption and Colonialism: Continuities of Political Rhetoric in Romania from the Nineteenth Century to the Interwar Period

Maynooth University, Maynooth, Ireland; New Europe College, Bucharest, Romania

East European Politics and Societies and Cultures

This article belongs to the special cluster, “Colonial Anxieties, Corruption Scandals and Xenophobia in Nineteenth-Century Infrastructure Development in Romania”, guest-edited by Silvia Marton and Andrei Sorescu. The topoi of “corruption” and “colonialism” that emerged in nineteenth-century Romania in connection to infrastructure projects and the anxieties related to the prominence of foreign capital therein converged into an anti-Semitism that acted as a proxy to displace both. Around 1900, an emerging far-right further radicalized this rhetoric, with Alexandru C. Cuza (1857–1947), nicknamed “the patriarch of Romanian anti-Semitism,” representing a conveyor belt between the state-driven institutional anti-Semitism of nineteenth-century Romania and the grassroots version that would become characteristic of interwar Romanian fascism. Drawing on parliamentary debates, press articles, and the numerous pamphlets and scientific publications of the prolific Cuza, this article focuses on his re-fashioning of the nineteenth-century vision of infrastructure projects relying heavily on foreign capital into a nexus for thinking about corruption, colonialism, and anti-Semitism. It argues that Cuza helped to turn economic matters explicitly political, adding to them—in synchronicity with similar developments across Europe—a populist component that ushered in the development of a native fascist movement, for which he acted as a godfather. The interwar legionary movement adapted and radicalized the nineteenth-century nexus that identified Jews as simultaneously responsible for corruption and as agents of colonial powers or colonizers in their own right.

Interwar period
Rhetoric
Period (music)
Politics
Colonialism
Intersection (aeronautics)
Economic history
Political science
Political rhetoric
Language change
Colonial period
History
World War II
Art
Literature
Geography
Law
Philosophy
Aesthetics
Cartography
Theology


Dealing with the Material Legacies of Italian Fascist Colonialism in Post-Communist Tirana

School of European Languages, Culture and Society, University College London, London, UK

Albania was Italy's most short-lived colony, under official fascist control only from the Italian invasion in 1939 until the collapse of Mussolini's regime in 1943. However, although the fascist occupation was brief, there had been a significant Italian involvement in Albania since 1923. Thus, the influence of Fascism on Albania and especially on the capital city of Tirana was immense, not least in the areas of urban planning and architecture, most of which was retained intact by the Communist dictatorship which ruled from 1944 to 1990. This essay investigates the afterlives of this fascist-era architecture in post-Communist Tirana. In the panoply of Italy's imperial territories, Albania was unique in passing from a fascist dictatorship to a Communist one and this trajectory provides important nuance to the current debates regarding the legacies of fascist heritage in the 75 years since the regime's fall and especially in the twenty-first century. This essay pays particular attention to the years 2016–2020 during which two notable examples of fascist-era architecture in Tirana, namely the city's football stadium and the National Theatre, have been at the centre of major political and public debates about the future of the city, the country and its governance, asking what these recent cases can reveal about the memory of fascist imperialism in post-Communist, democratic Albania and contributing to ongoing debates about the management, treatment and reception of the material legacies of Italian colonialism more broadly.

Dictatorship
Communism
Colonialism
Politics
Architecture
Urbanism
Economic history
Democracy
Political science
Economy
History
Ancient history
Law
Archaeology


Rejecting the military to serve the Nazis. Italian conscientious objectors in Gaeta’s jail from 1948 to 1972

Conscientious objector
Nazism
Law
Prison
Military service
World War II
Sociology
Conscience
Political science
Politics
Spanish Civil War


THEMES IN ITALIAN NEOREALIST CINEMA: A STUDY OF THE 1940S AND 50S

Associate Professor, Centre for Historical Studies (CHS), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)

ShodhKosh Journal of Visual and Performing Arts

The paper talks about various themes explored in Italian neorealist cinema of the 1940s and 1950s. During the 1940s and 1950s, Italian filmmakers responded to the artificiality of pre-World War II and Fascist films with a new movement called neorealism (Italian for "new reality"). The movement aimed to address the pre-war events and the social and economic issues that the war spawned realistically. The presentations of events/situations follow certain patterns like poverty, starvation, suffering and struggle for socio-economic justice. There is a clear-cut and distinct emphasis on characterization and the social milieu from which its thematic concerns grow. It aims to make films less glamorous and more helpful as a means of communication for the greater good. It could be suggested that while interacting with the socio-political realities of that period cinema was influencing and being influenced by it. The objective is to show that films do not just appear in a vacuum but are part and product of a specific political, historical, and cultural milieu. They can’t remain divorced from the socio-cultural and political relations of the period they belong to. The themes of anti-Fascism, problems of have v/s have-nots, unemployment, poverty, inequality, and their moral dimensions have been studied. The de-dramatization of situations and the deviations in the portrayal, as evident in Miracle in Milan (1953), which has been compared with the magic realism of Gabriel Garcia Marquez, have also been discussed.

Movie theater
Political science
Art
Art history


Olga Romanovna Afanasyeva
Pavel Borisovich Afanasyev
Maria Vitalevna Goncharova
Valeriy Anatolevich Novikov
Valentina Ivanovna Shiyan

The European Proceedings of Social & Behavioural Sciences

The article presents research results on the current trends of extremism in Russia over the period from 2017 to 2021. It is noted that extremism is one of the most challenging issues confronting not only modern Russian society, but also almost the whole world, arising primarily from the diversity of its manifestations. Countering extremism is one of the priority tasks that the absolute majority of countries in the world have to solve, both at the national and interstate levels, in order to ensure state and public security. Despite the increasing joint efforts in countering extremism, the following main trends are relevant: since 2020, there has been an increase in extremist crimes, the structure of which is dominated by such offenses as public appeals to extremist activity, organizing activities of an extremist organization, incitement of hatred or hostility, as well as abasement of human dignity; an increase in the scale of destructive impact of extremist organizations on minors; widespread use of information and telecommunication networks, including the Internet, to legalize (launder) money, spread the ideology of violence, distort history, revive and justify the ideas of Nazism and fascism, dilute traditional spiritual and moral values, engage in the activities of extremist organizations; spread radicalism in the sports sector; cultivation of criminal subculture and other. New forms of extremism – cyber-extremism, environmental extremism, bio-extremism and others should also be taken into account. The identified trends of extremism suggest that its consequences are manifested in all spheres of society – political, economic and social.

Incitement
Hatred
Political science
Politics
Ideology
Dignity
Political economy
Criminology
National security
Political radicalism
Sociology
Law


The Fight Against Apathy: Caring for Politics in a Disenchanted World

English and Comparative Studies Department , University of Warwick , United Kingdom

University of Gdansk , The Catholic University of Lisbon and The University of Mannheim amongst others

As the Overton window shifts increasingly to the right across the West and many democracies edge closer towards the spectre of fascism, the question remains, how did we get here? Progression and hope have given way to disenchantment and nihilism and the only solution appears to be regression, nostalgia and spectacularised politics that as Nietzsche claimed, devalues values themselves. I propose a way of thinking through nihilism and disenchantment with politics, that continues to threaten our democracies though the thought and work of critical theorists that faced a similar challenge. With Hannah Arendt’s notion that to change the world we must first ‘love’ the world, this research will explore how we re-engage with politics and infuse a Blochian hope back into the idea of the future. Using Hannah Arendt’s works alongside that of Nietzsche and contemporary theorist, Wendy Brown, this research will ask what we can learn from these theorists that write at various moments of disenchantment and loss and how we can reimagine politics at a time where it is most vital. In reading these theorists alongside one another, I may conclude with how critical thought and pedagogy through Arendt’s concept of Amor Mundi compared with Wendy Brown’s defence of academia in fostering radical ideas and political imagination, may combat the nihilistic apathy felt towards politics today.

Apathy
Politics
Political science
Medicine
Psychiatry
Cognition
Law


Capitalism as “the best of all possible worlds”: a marxist critique of Boaventura de Sousa Santos' postmodern political thought

crítica marxista al pensamiento político posmoderno de Boaventura de Sousa

crítica marxista do pensamento político pós-moderno de Boaventura de Sousa Santos El capitalismo como "el mejor de todos los mundos posibles":

Post-Doctor of Contemporary History by École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS -Paris) Institution: Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso (UFMT) -campus de Cuiabá

Correa da Costa, nº 2367, Boa Esperança, Cuiabá -MT, CEP: 78060-

OBSERVATÓRIO DE LA ECONOMÍA LATINOAMERICANA

The general aim of this work is to critically analyse certain conceptions and political positions of Boaventura de Sousa Santos on the problems of Western modernity and postmodernity. For the Portuguese sociologist, Western modernity is going through an unprecedented crisis of civilisation that can be identified through three fundamental dimensions: the epistemological dimension (the problem of Western scientific knowledge), the theoretical dimension (the problem of the Marxist theory of social emancipation) and the political dimension (the problems of the liberal social contract, social fascism and the disunity of left-wing forces). Postmodernity, however, represents the possibilities and opportunities for overcoming that crisis in view of the epistemological (the ecology of knowledge), theoretical (the new emancipatory political culture) and political (high-intensity democracy) renewals that are underway. The main hypothesis to be presented is that Boaventura Santos' political conceptions and positions – in parallel with his limited understanding of Marxism, the main interlocutor and target of his often mistaken criticism – correspond to the postmodern ideology, which can be characterised, according to Marxism, by epistemological scepticism, contempt for history and political defeatism. In this vein, the theoretical framework adopted here necessarily comes from Marxism, understood, according to Michael Löwy, as a social worldview, that is, an organic, articulated and structured set of values, representations, ideas and cognitive orientations about man in his relationship with nature, society and history, internally unified by a determined perspective and a certain socially conditioned point of view.

Postmodernism
Marxist philosophy
Capitalism
Politics
Sociology
Philosophy
Art history
Epistemology
History
Political science
Law


Buddhist Baron R. Ungern von Sternberg and the Right-Wing Literature

The article describes the way Russian right-wing literature reflected the Buddhist component of the image of Baron R. Ungern von Sternberg. The author used the interpretive and comparative methods to study the works by E. Limonov, A. Dugin, and L. Prozorov, as well as poets and essayists from the Black Corps Almanac published by the Brotherhood of St. Rev. Joseph Volotsky. Each of these authors had their own perception of R. Ungern’s image, but he remained a symbol of struggle against the wrong world order. For E. Limonov and A. Shiropaev, he was an anti-Western, anti-bourgeois, and revolutionary-minded warrior who became Mahagala, a Mongol-Buddhist god of war. For A. Dugin, he was a universal Pratyekabuddhayāna who was to bring a purifying destruction upon the world as a forerunner of Bodhisattva Maitreya. For the team of the Black Corps Almanac, he was a Buddhism-related Christian warrior who opposed the red ideology. For L. Prozorov, R. Ungern was a demonic mystical being who chose fascism as a means to conquer the world but thought himself equal to Buddha and Christ. In all these cases, the image of Baron R. Ungern existed in a high stylistic register while his real biography and religious issues faded into the background, overshadowed by his symbolism. As a result, Baron R. Ungern turned into a principle that still inspires the modern right-wing, Eurasian, and traditionalist idea.

Buddhism
Bodhisattva
Gautama Buddha
Philosophy
Mysticism
Ideology
Order (exchange)
Symbol (formal)
Biography
Religious studies
Bourgeoisie
Art history
Art
Literature
History
Politics
Theology
Law


Anti-racist perceptions about the 2023 anti-democratic acts in Brazil

Journal of Latin American Communication Research

This essay analyzes the racially related issues around the terrorists who vandalized the buildings of the powers of the Brazilian State on January 8, 2023, in the country's capital, Brasilia, the class and race relations in the performance of the means of repression of the State, and still encourage the hypothesis that people from the countryside, middle-aged, white and from the middle class had and still have different treatment by security agencies when compared to citizens from the Minorized Majority. Finally, it complicates the analysis by pointing to the racial pasteurization of terrorists by the press associated with financial capital. For this brief and interpretative essay on the Brazilian reality at the time, we used three authors and their tools for exploring contemporary reality: Muniz Sodré, Brazil, Byung-Chul Han, South Korea; and Achille Mbembe, Senegal. Thus, the analysis of the episode was developed from the perspective that it is inserted in a territory of governance and geopolitics dominated by US interests, that there is a Brazilian national construction based on what Muniz Sodré classifies as “fascism of color,” and that society is uncivilized by possible mediations of the corporate media associated with neoliberal interests and turbo-capitalism; that, according to Achille Mbembe, this whole process of advancing communication technologies and neoliberal domination promotes the hyper-humanization of some and the dehumanization and brutalization of others (all non-whites). Also, consistent with Byung -Chul Han's perspective, the psychopolitics associated with neoliberal social mediation technologies are new power techniques applied in that episode by the financiers of terrorist acts.

Late capitalism
Power (physics)
Capital (architecture)
Middle class
Underclass
Sociology
State (computer science)
Gender studies
Dehumanization
Political science
Politics
History
Law
Anthropology


The Policy of Italy Toward Jewish of Libya 1929-1933

Ass.Prof Dr.Zamen Hassen Kridi
Ass.Lecture Anwar Musen Jumaa

The ethnic diversity of Libya in the first half of the 20th century was accompanied by a corresponding diversity in Italy’s policies toward its population. The Jewish community in Libya constituted a significant proportion, numbering between 6,500 to 7,000 individuals, primarily concentrated in the capital city of Tripoli and the eastern district of Cyrenaica, with its capital Benghazi. However, Italy’s treatment of Libyan Jews was characterized as discriminatory, and some authors even described it as arbitrary. This discrimination intensified during the rule of General Pietro Badoglio, who departed from previous policies and denied Libyan Jews the same rights and privileges granted to Italian Jews.
 Upon Italy’s occupation of Libya, a distinct policy toward the Jewish population emerged. Initially, Jews were granted official status and played a crucial role in the Libyan economy. They actively engaged in learning the Italian language and adopting European customs. However, as fascism gained power, the Italian government began to view Libyan Jews as indigenous Muslims rather than Italians. Governor-General Italo Balbo, during his term, accelerated the modernization of Jewish communities while respecting their traditions. Nevertheless, tensions arose, such as when Jews closed their shops on the Sabbath, leading to punitive measures.
 The situation deteriorated further after 1933 due to Italy’s adoption of racial laws, which affected Libyan Jews significantly. Ultimately, the Jewish population in Libya dwindled, and today, there are no Jews remaining in the country.

Judaism
Political science
History
Ancient history
Geography
Archaeology


The Soviet Union in Its Project and Reality: Philosophical-Historical Notes

Agrarian society
World War II
Political science
Political economy
Economic history
Law
Sociology
History


Philosophy and Political Give and Take: Wily Heterodoxy vs. Ethical Nepotism

There are a lot of academics, who often ask themselves how socialist regimes, capitalist systems and fundamental administrations may collaborate with each other, whether diplomatically, fiscally or militarily, while they are commonsensically and diametrically contrasting with each other. For instance, while one pole may proclaim modernism and broadmindedness, another pole may declare complete orthodoxy or conservatism. Accordingly, and rationally, no genuine political alliance may be supposed among them. But while such a partnership is in fact discernable, some idealistic individuals or bystanders may experience it as a kind of cognitive dissociation, which means incongruity in a person’s beliefs, thoughts, or actions, which may cause an uncomfortable inner tension or perplexity. Therefore, if philosophy or ethics does not have anything to do with sociopolitical relationships, then why or how they may be appreciated as important or useful hypothetical or academic perspectives. Nevertheless, while compromise may be a fitting problem-solving strategy, ideology was never an indissoluble barricade between philosophical opponents because basic needs may determine the applicability of ideology, not ethical or theoretical considerations. Anyhow, though presently many scholars may believe that the epoch of ideology is over, ideology is not limited to Marxism or fundamentalism, and liberalism, conservatism, globalization, nationalism or fascism, too, may be acknowledged as different kinds of ideology. Principally, every financial or sociopolitical doctrine that becomes compulsive, according to its believers or doctrinaires, and turns into an over-valued idea, may be known as a kind of ideology. In the present article, the relationship between ideology, politics, economics and ethics has been, briefly, probed.


Activities of Khoresm women on the fronts of the World War II

Uzbek
Spanish Civil War
Political science
Front (military)
Courage
Economic history
Law
History
Geography


Unfulfilled Hopes: the Communist Parties in Latin American Politics in the Second World War Years

Communism
Latin Americans
Dictatorship
World War II
Politics
Ideology
Context (archaeology)


Mussolini and the Jewish Question in the Diaries of Claretta Petacci

Человек и культура

The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the attitude of the leader of Italian fascism, Benito Mussolini, to representatives of Jewish nationality. The diaries of Mussolini's mistress Claretta Petacci, which she kept from 1932 to 1937, are mainly used as a source. The work also explores the drastic change in B. Mussolini's attitude towards Jews, which occurred after an alliance was concluded with the leader of Nazi Germany, Adolf Hitler, in 1937. There is a connection between these events, since until 1937 Petacci's diaries said nothing about the Jewish question. The article also examines the attitude of Italian society towards the racial laws of 1938 against Jews, which was not at all unambiguous. As an analytical method, the interpretive approach of the American anthropologist Clifford Geertz will be used, who believed that the analysis of culture is not an experimental matter, but a hermeneutic one, engaged in the search for meanings, symbols and ideas. The scientific novelty of this study lies in a specific consideration of the Jewish question of Mussolini and his study based on the memoirs of his mistress Claretta Petacci. There are not many studies devoted specifically to this issue and specifically to this historical source. The main conclusions of the above study are that it was the alliance concluded in 1937 with Adolf Hitler that radically influenced Benito Mussolini's decision to introduce racial laws in Italy, since the Duce was not much concerned about the Jewish question until 1937. The author of the work also drew conclusions regarding the negative attitude towards anti-Semitic laws by the majority of Italian society: Italians did not accept them due to the lack of anti-Semitism and hostility towards Jews in Italy.

Judaism
History
Religious studies
Philosophy
Theology


<b>Listening to Human Rights: Class Conflict in Hanns Eisler’s <i>Deutsche Sinfonie</i> </b>

Human rights
Art
Political science
Sociology
Art history
Humanities
Law


Pier Paolo Pasolini’s Canzoniere italiano and the People Without History

eScholarship Publishing, University of California

This article examines Pier Paolo Pasolini’s anthology of popular poetry, Canzoniere italiano (1955). Deeply connected to its author’s well-known passion for dialects and regional, lower-class cultures first evidenced in his Friulian poetry, Canzoniere represents a key moment in Pasolini's thought. The collection exemplifies his theorization of language and power, the role of the popular in national culture before the ravages of neocapitalistic growth, and the aesthetic significance of dialect traditions. This project, intended to preserve dialect traditions after the fall of Fascism, also echoes the work of the nineteenth-century folklorists who sought document and disseminate folk cultures as a testament to national popular traditions of a newly-unified Italy. Pasolini’s methodological approach, especially, connects him to these previous folklorists. His dependence on written anthologies rather than ethnographic research, his valorization of popular poetry as a literary tradition, and his insistence on the archaic and ahistorical nature of the lowest classes all contrast sharply with the emerging discourse in the 1950s—promoted in particular by the anthropologist Ernesto De Martino—that working-class people participated in history and expressed forms of political consciousness through their cultural practices. I argue that Pasolini’s own understanding of popular poetry, as articulated in the introduction to the Canzoniere, betrays the radical promise of the work itself and reveals it to be an inherently conservative project. When taken in the context of other theories of folklore in the postwar, it embodies a late gesture of a traditional aesthetic and literary approach to working-class people and their culture.

Poetry
Literature
Passion
Folklore
History
Popular culture
Context (archaeology)
Art
Aesthetics
Sociology
Archaeology


Soviet. The Problem of Holistic Consideration

Институт философии РАН

Политическая концептология журнал метадисциплинарных исследований

The phenomenon of “Soviet” is multifaceted and unique in history. Having a huge content and correlated with the categories “society”, “state”, “power”, “man”, “culture”, it requires not only consideration in its constituent parts, but also in its entirety. Therefore, it is viewed as a concept created on the basis of the Bolsheviks (Leninist) interpretation of Marxism opposed to the Mensheviks (Plekhanovs) interpretation, which was adapted to the conditions of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. Its main point was an attempt to create a path of the country development excluding its capitalist stage and accelerating the transition from feudalism and early capitalism to communism. In the revolutionary practice of the Bolsheviks this was expressed as the development and the implementation of the policy of “war communism”. However, the phenomenon of the Soviet would not have been possible without a specific state and quality of Russian society and person shaped by history, in particular without the habit of obedience formed as a natural defensive reaction against the autocratic power that dominated the country for five centuries, possessing the tools for this domination. At the same time the Soviet also had a positive content originating in Marxism and finding the possibility of its realization in the “new” person, formed by the Bolsheviks on the ruins of the destroyed old society in one way or another involved in private property. Deprived of historical memory, indued with the constructed Soviet consciousness, the “new” man was the main force who received the benefits of the new system, who overcame fascism and retained faith in the Soviet way of being until it was completely lost, and who was disappointed in hopes that never came true.

Communism
Obedience
Interpretation (philosophy)
Autocracy
Capitalism
Phenomenon
Feudalism
Power (physics)
State (computer science)
Private property
Sociology
Politics
Political economy
Political science
Law
Epistemology
Democracy
Philosophy
Mathematics


Reading Fascists Reading Shakespeare: Literary Populism in White Power Fiction

Reading (process)
White (mutation)
Power (physics)
Populism
Literature
History
Art
Political science
Politics
Law
Physics


<i>Anti-Oedipus</i> confronts a familiar people: On the plasticity of the celibate machine

Philosophy and Humaniities, Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines

Oedipus complex
Democracy
Sociology
Politics
Capitalism
Psychoanalysis
Aesthetics
Philosophy
Law
Psychology
Psychoanalytic theory
Political science


Differences in the civilizational development of the West and the east of Europe (Russia)

Kazan National Research Technical University–KAI named after A.N.Tupolev

Kazan State Power Engineering University

THE KAZAN SOCIALLY-HUMANITARIAN BULLETIN

In the conditions of the SVO, interest in civilizational differences has grown, the course "Fundamentals of Russian Statehood" has been introduced in universities. The article substantiates the thesis that the culture of the Russian civilization (in the spheres of religion, literacy, writing, law, world perception, art, education systems, science, crafts, etc.) rose from the culture of the GreekByzantine civilization. The differences between Greece and Rome in ancient times, Russia from the West of Europe in the Middle Ages, Russia from Western civilization in modern and postmodern times are shown. The differences in the interpretation of Christianity in Catholicism-Protestantism from Orthodoxy are highlighted. From the slavery of Rome, the domination of the barbarians, the crusades, the Inquisition, the witch hunt, absolute scholasticism in philosophy, papocaesarism with its absolutism of papal power and totalitarian attitude towards the flock-subjects and – most importantly – genocide against "their" and other peoples arose. In contrast, Byzantium and Russia with their "caesaropapism" and "symphony of the authorities" relied on a sensitive borrowing of customs and culture of neighbors, the receptivity of other views and beliefs. Thanks to this, the West has always been rigidly antipathetic to any deviations from the "general line" of power, up to total terror, fascism, Nazism, racism and the slave trade. The Russian civilization, relying on the values of ancient Greece and Byzantium and the Mongolian Yassa, preferred the values of empathy (internationalism and collectivism) and therefore was guided primarily by the New Testament. It is this axiological contradiction that determines the age-old Russophobia of the West in relation to Russia, which prevents the legitimization of racism-hegemonism of the West.

Civilization
Protestantism
Western culture
Genocide
Ancient history
History
Religious studies
Philosophy
Theology
Archaeology


WARS IN THE CONTEXT OF IDEOLOGY AND URBICIDE: HEROIC CITIES OF WORLD WAR II AND THE KARABAKH WAR

This study examines cities that served as ideological, cultural, and geopolitical centers of resistance during the Second World War and the Karabakh wars (early and late 20th century, and the year 2020), viewing them as examples of ideological and cultural heritage. The research shows that in both wars, which were influenced by ideological, political, and economic factors, certain cities that played an active role in the struggle became key symbols of the conflict. Following the Second World War, some of these cities were awarded special honorary titles. In the Karabakh wars, cities such as Shusha, Ganja, Aghdam, and Tartar became major centers of resistance. In both wars, the invading forces implemented a policy of urbicide (intentional destruction of cities) in a number of urban areas. The gathered evidence confirms that, unlike in the case of the Second World War, this policy in Karabakh was carried out during the ceasefire period- after the territories had already been occupied. The main objective of the study is to identify the ideological, cultural, geographical, and historical significance of “hero cities” in the people’s struggle and historical memory through a comparative and analytical approach to primary sources and existing research. Since this topic has not previously been explored in Azerbaijani historiography, the study offers a new scholarly perspective and contributes to filling a gap in historical research. In conclusion, it is proposed that, on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the liberation of Azerbaijani territories from occupation, special status reflecting historical memory be granted to the cities that played a significant role in the historical struggle against Armenian fascism. This is seen as a timely and ideologically important step for Azerbaijani historical identity.


Icon
Politics
History
Citation
State (computer science)
Art history
Political science
Law
Computer science


Of continents and <i>Großräume</i>: the production and persistence of continentality

School of Law, Gender and Media, SOAS University of London, London, UK

Abstract This paper renews the contemporary and enduring salience of archaic and discredited concepts of spatiality and physical geographic determinism, but historicises, repurposes and reworks them: it is an essay in critical and decolonial palaeo-territorialisation. Concreteness may well have been misplaced, but place – and space – might not have been altogether mis-concretised. Rethinking the global is an opportunity to step back and think about macro-scales and macro-scalarity more broadly. This paper exhumes and decolonially/critically reappropriates Carl Schmitt’s Großraum concept (re-examining, along the way, if not quite rehabilitating the Meer und Land thesis and Mackinder’s ‘geographical pivot’ (Mackinder 1904)) as a heuristic device to explore the overlooked scales of continents and continentality in the genealogy of a global geographic imaginary that is as much geotectonic as geo-historical. ‘The Global’ would then come to signify pre-eminently – or perhaps has always signified – as the intercontinental rather than the international: a space or set of spaces in some ultimate sense conditioned by the configuration of the planetary crust yet nonetheless produced through historical processes. We may never have been global, but we have been (inter)continental for the last half-millennium. State sovereignty, (racial) capitalism, colonialism, imperialism, public international law, fascism, communism and neoliberal globalisation have all been projects or formations – directly or indirectly, by design or accident – producing, pursuing, exploiting, organising and ordering continental Großräume . Contemporary regional trade blocs, regional international governmental organisations, regional human rights systems, military alliances and even putative civilisational divides all reflect the perdurable continental horizons of our ostensibly global imaginary.

Persistence (discontinuity)
Geography
Physical geography
Geology


On the contribution of the NKVD of the USSR to the achievement of victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945

G. G. Nebratenko
O. P. Gribunov
O. V. Yatsenko

The importance of in-depth scientific research of the results and lessons is revealed The Second World War, which makes it possible to resist the falsification of history, to form an objective historical memory of the true winners of Nazism and fascism in Europe and the Far East. It is noted that the 80th anniversary of the Victory over the Nazi invaders is an important occasion for the popularization of scientific knowledge about the participants of the Great Patriotic War, who made a significant contribution to the Victory. It is established that employees and military personnel of the organs and troops of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR, who selflessly fulfilled their duty to the Motherland, are equated to the participants of the Great Patriotic War. The article considers the participation of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945. The role of the top leadership of the NKVD of the USSR in achieving Victory over the Nazi invaders has been studied. It has been established that in the Soviet state during the war, law enforcement agencies were assigned the function of protecting the rear of the army, as well as ensuring the production of weapons and ammunition for the needs of national defense. The bibliographic sources testifying to the positive role of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War are studied. The features of the participation of the leadership of the NKVD of the USSR in the war against the Nazi invaders, awarded the highest state awards of the USSR, as well as military ranks, are shown. It is established that the organizational and legal foundations of the activities of the NKVD of the USSR in 1941–1945 are of applied value as the experience of organizing law enforcement agencies in emergency situations, which can be partially used by contemporaries, including for organizing moral and psychological work among law enforcement officers, as well as for the professional orientation of young people.

Victory
Political science
History
Economic history
Ancient history
Law
Politics


From Lausanne to Montreux: Türkiye's Diplomatic Struggle for the Reconsideration of the Straits Regime

Türkiyat Mecmuası / Journal of Turkology

The Turkish Straits, whose regime was determined by the Montreux Convention in 1936, have held significant importance in global geopolitics during the periods of the First and Second World Wars, the Cold War, and the subsequent eras. Today, the security of the Straits is brought to the forefront by both Türkiye and the countries bordering the Black Sea due to military, commercial, and humanitarian reasons whenever East-West oriented crises and conflicts arise. The management regime of the Straits was decided by the Lausanne Treaty in 1923; however, within less than a decade, significant changes in European politics, increased armament, and the threats posed by German Nazism and Italian Fascism forced Türkiye to reconsider the control of the Straits, which were managed by an international commission. This issue became one of the main topics of Turkish diplomacy from the early 1930s, particularly in various international forums, including the League of Nations. During this period, the Turkish Foreign Ministry conducted a patient diplomacy, aiming for Türkiye to independently manage the Straits, while considering the sensitive international balances. As a result, Türkiye convinced the countries that signed the Lausanne Treaty and the major powers of the time to reevaluate the regime of the Straits. Diplomatic correspondence showing how this process progressed is concentrated between the years 1933 and 1936. This study aims to explain how Türkiye’s efforts to convince the relevant parties to reevaluate the regime of the Straits took place within the historical flow. The study evaluates the correspondence of the embassies of the United States, Türkiye the United Kingdom, Switzerland, France, Italy, and Russia, which closely followed the Straits issue, and the correspondence of Turkish diplomatic missions in Europe as primary sources within the framework of the historicism methodology.

Political science
Ancient history
Geology
History


The Practice of Ideals: Erich Honecker, Rudolf Bahro, and East Germany's Socialist Imaginary

Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, USA

German
Democracy
Demise
Socialism
Nazism
Communism
Nazi Germany
Capitalism
Law
Political science
Economic history
Complicity
Imprisonment
Sociology
History
Politics


The Ideas On The Unity Of Islam Have Been Provided In The National Revolution In Indonesia(8.1945) - One Approach

Islam
National Unity
History
Philosophy
Political science
Law
Theology
Politics


Eugene Onatsky and his work in the diplomatic mission of the UPR in Italy: transformative experience

National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy

This article analyzes the experience of the political activist, historian, journalist and diplomat Yevhen Onatsky (1894–1979), which he acquired while working in the diplomatic mission of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Italy during 1919–1923. This experience will be considered as transformative, as experience that led to a fundamental transformation in his views, primarily political. In the article, the concept of transformative experience (by cognitive scientist and philosopher of consciousness Laurie Ann Paul) is applied, as well as the related taxonomies of researchers who contribute to the evolution of this concept. It is emphasized that the implementation of this concept in the humanities has not yet become widespread and does not have established methodological schemes of application. This makes the very idea of such an implementation somewhat risky, but, in the opinion of the author, somewhat promising.The analysis of the radical transformation of Onatsky’s centre-left views towards the authoritarian-nationalist positions of the later period aspires to illustrate the path taken by the generation that began its political and social activity within the framework of the most influential left-wing movement at the period of the Ukrainian Revolution, and that in its mature years, which fell on the period of growth of right-wing movements throughout Europe made its choice in favor of the latter. The article illustrates how Onatsky’s various experiences influenced the change in his beliefs, with special attention to Onatsky’s experiences while working at the UPR Mission in Rome. This experience was gained in the context of radical geopolitical changes, namely the establishment of the Soviet system and the suppression of democratic Ukrainian statehood, as well as the rise of fascism in Italy.The article is based on published and unpublished ego-documents authored by Onatsky, in particular, published notes related to the period under study, which shed light on the personal motivation of the author and on the factors that determined his later choice.

Transformative learning
Politics
Context (archaeology)
Ukrainian
Period (music)
Sociology
Authoritarianism
Nationalism
Political science
Aesthetics
Law
Democracy
History
Pedagogy
Art
Philosophy


The Conceptual Apparatus of Semiotics of Modern European History

Інститут історії України НАН України, 01001, Україна, Київ, вул. Михайла Грушевського, 4

Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki

The article analyses the conceptual apparatus of semiotics of modern European history. The social sciences, unlike the natural sciences, which deal with realities that do not call themselves, deal with the phenomena of human life. Names change in time and space without any connection to the immanent changes of things themselves, which indicates a persistent search for an adequate name for many things and signs. Historical meanings become the main subject of semiotic analysis. History becomes a way of scientific reconstruction of the past. In historical science, facts, signs and symbols come through individual and collective memory. Various narratives are a treasure trove of semiotic meanings. Texts in different contexts give different semantics. Everyone is a participant in this exciting process, the end result of which, in principle, is not. Under these circumstances, the analysis of instability becomes more important than finding a "fulcrum". This thesis is especially important for the mosaic history of the peoples of Europe. Communism and fascism are united not only by totalitarian practices but also by political "syntax", while liberalism in general is a different political language. Every event starts at the information level. Postmodernism leads to anti-intellectual pre-modern thinking. Semantic boundaries between categories are blurred; they are flexible, open to change and constant socio-economic transformation. The self-consciousness of the modern era was based on the achievements of economics and classical sociology, which promoted the values of a single universal progress for all mankind. Postmodern self-consciousness is based on the principles of cultural anthropology and ethnology, of sciences that emphasize the heterogeneity of the socio-cultural field of mankind. Historical semiotics works with stereotypes of perception of signs and symbols, decodes them and adapts them for scientific use

Semiotics
Postmodernism
Sociology
Semiotics of culture
Politics
Epistemology
Consciousness
Narrative
Human science
Social science
Aesthetics
History
Linguistics
Philosophy
Law
Political science


“Don’t You Have Enough Grief?”: Divergent Experiences of Jewish-Aboriginal Women in Australia

Department of Indigenous Studies, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia

Judaism
Diaspora
Sociology
Indigenous
Settlement (finance)
Jewish identity
Gender studies
Identity (music)
Jewish history
History
Ethnology
Jewish studies
Archaeology
Art


The Voyage from Metropolitan Rationalism: Malcolm Lowry's Socialism and In Ballast to the White Sea

Canadian review of comparative literature

Canadian Comparative Literature Association

The Voyage from Metropolitan Rationalism:Malcolm Lowry's Socialism and In Ballast to the White Sea Mark Crawford Renewed interest in 1930s British fiction, literary criticism, and politics has been spurred not only by the distemper of our own time, but by the broadening and deepening of literary and historical research and the development of new perspectives across national and interdisciplinary boundaries. With respect to Malcolm Lowry, much has been revealed and expanded upon over the past three decades: two volumes of Collected Letters; a major biography by Gordon Bowker; several volumes of diverse Lowry scholarship; and (most notably) the publication of Lowry's "lost novel," In Ballast to the White Sea, in 2014. That he has still not been included in several important recent reconsiderations of the period1 is understandable, given his absence from England between 1933 and 1954, his dearth of interaction with leading English literary figures, and the simple fact that his one canonical work, Under the Volcano, while set in the 1930s, was not published until 1947. The aim of this article is to show how Lowry's modernist and romantic sensibilities evolved in response to the existential crises of capitalism and fascism in the mid-1930s and to the intellectual challenges of Marxism that accompanied them. Focusing on the extant draft of In Ballast, the article shows how Lowry uses his characters to interrogate each other's political and philosophical positions, particularly the limits of Marxist subjectivity, inclining the main protagonist toward an outlook that is sharply distinguished from the economic determinism of the Auden group. Although Lowry's 1930s politics converged in certain respects with the nascent anarchosocialism of Herbert Read and fellow members of what would become the New Romantic movement, they soon became obscured by his decision to abandon In Ballast and to de-emphasize political themes after the war. The rediscovery of the manuscript shows the lasting influence of this period upon Lowry as the confirmation of an organic and spiritual, as opposed to a mechanistic and materialist, view of [End Page 406] the world. George Orwell wryly observed in 1940 that while much "pure art was being thrown overboard" in the middle and late thirties in favour of "some rather ill-defined thing called Communism," the new Marxist movement had done less to cater to popular tastes than their High Modernist predecessors had done, while reasserting the intellectual authority of upper-class Englishmen in the process. For the young Malcolm Lowry, the Marxist critics may have seemed a step forward in their sensitivity to exploitation and their concern to combat fascism, but were more fundamentally a step backwards in their critique of modernism and their downgrading of its exploration of human consciousness. While privileging his own experience and the pursuit of his own identity, Lowry also exemplified modernism's aesthetic of unceasing motion, combined with an unsparing social scrutiny of every context in which he found himself. His voyage, which had begun in Liverpool, his birthplace, "that terrible city whose main street is the ocean," was influenced by mentors both American and Norwegian, by Russian film and literature, and by a formative trip to the Far East; it would lead eventually to both Mexico and Canada, the psychogeographies of which would help him to perfect his own visions of heaven and hell. Lowry's skepticism toward Marxism from the mid-1930s onwards had more in common with Orwell's prescient non-conformity than with the disillusionment of many others, such as Koestler, Kolakowski, Merleau-Ponty, or Hook, that followed revelations about the Show Trials and the Hitler-Stalin Pact. Yet Lowry was also very unlike Orwell in expressing an ambivalence rooted more in his personal metaphysical attitude than in his knowledge of history or experience of communism. In one of the few comparisons made between Lowry and Orwell by a leading literary critic, Stephen Spender observes that Lowry's approach went well beyond that of the perceptive and determined loner, to the creative uses of solipsism: The central paradox of Under the Volcano is that it is a novel about action, that is, about action negated. At the centre, there is an impassioned cry that men should attain simplicity...

Politics
Biography
Capitalism
White (mutation)
Existentialism
Socialism
Marxist philosophy
Criticism
Scholarship
Sociology
History
Literature
Art history
Philosophy
Law
Art
Political science
Epistemology


Visits of American Parliamentary Delegations to the USSR in the Summer – Fall of 1945

Saint Petersburg State University, Saint Petersburg, Russian Federation

Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta Serija 4 Istorija Regionovedenie Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija

Introduction. The summer of 1945 became a period of exceptional activity for US parliamentary delegations in the field of studying the consequences of the war in Europe for this region, the USSR, and the countries of the Middle East. Methods and materials. The study of the documents deposited in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the memoirs of the members of the delegations, and those involved in organizing the visits of American congressmen allows us to determine the goals of their visit to the USSR, along with the successes and failures of these missions, and to analyze their significance for the development of SovietAmerican relations in the fall of 1945. Analysis. In just a month, from August 15 to September 15, 1945, four US parliamentary delegations and separately Senator C. Pepper, who also acted as a journalist, visited the Soviet Union. All these delegations belonged to different committees of the Congress, had different programs and purposes for the visit, and were received in the USSR at different levels. It should be noted that among the Soviet functionaries responsible for receiving foreigners, there was no consensus on the advisability of the congressmen’s visit to the USSR, but the “liberals” won, assuming that their visits would serve to strengthen relations between Moscow and Washington. It is noteworthy that a considerable number of the congressmen approved by the People’s Commissariat of State Security were known for their negative attitude towards the communist system in general and towards the Soviet Union in particular. Apparently, in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, it was believed that their visit to the USSR would help change this position to be more favorable for the Kremlin. Results. The visits of American parliamentary delegations to the USSR resulted in several loud statements about the importance of maintaining and strengthening Soviet-American relations and about J. Stalin’s personal contribution to the victory over fascism, as well as a report by W. Colmer, which suggested rather harsh conditions for economic cooperation between Washington and Moscow. However, these visits did not bring any real benefit to the development of the Soviet-American dialogue.

Political science
Meteorology
History
Geography


“Geopolitics Theory” Cannot Serve as a Methodology for Analyzing International Relations and the International Situation

In recent years, an increasing number of scholars and political figures both at home and abroad have embraced geopolitics theory, deeming it a crucial constituent of contemporary international relations theory and an instrument for observing and analyzing the current state and future trends of the international situation. This theory has exerted significant influence on the international community for over a century. The essence of geopolitics lies in the fact that geography determines politics, and the geographic environment dictates international relations. It can be asserted that representatives of Western countries in different historical periods have assiduously advocated geopolitics theory. No matter how convoluted or “deep” their arguments may seem, ultimately, they are designed to assist Western powers in seizing more colonies, spheres of influence, sources of raw materials and investment opportunities. It facilitates their advancement of neo-colonialism, fascism and hegemonism throughout the world. Indisputably, geopolitics theory is a direct reflection of imperialist and hegemonic worldviews. It is also true that Chinese Communists, when observing and analyzing any international phenomenon, be it political, economic, ecological, security-related or related to hotspots, must adhere to the Marxist perspective and method of class and class analysis, as well as the viewpoint and methodology that the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production is the decisive force in social development. It is definitely not possible to use geopolitics theory as the logical starting point for analyzing international relations and the evolution of the international situation, or even as a methodological framework for analyzing issues. The reason is that this would result in misjudgments on the development and changes in the international situation, and thus influencing the formulation and implementation of specific policies. Chinese foreign relations theory is constructed on Marxist international relations theory and constitutes an essential underpinning of the confidence in socialist theory with Chinese characteristics in the new era. There is no doubt that it should be included and developed as a prominent ingredient of China’s independent knowledge system.

Geopolitics
International relations
International relations theory
Political science
Regional science
Epistemology
Sociology
Philosophy
Politics
Law


Blue Notes 2.0: The Diachronic Resonance of Langston Hughes During the George Floyd Protests: A Foreword

University of Kansas College of Liberal Arts and Sciences

George (robot)
Art history
Art
Psychoanalysis
Psychology


Faculty of Arts of Comenius University Bratislava; Institute of History of Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava, Slovakia

Rich banks and rich businesspeople were and still are the showcase of every nation, and the titular business-oriented families combined doing business with the tools of economic nationalism, as well as their love for art with the support of Slovak and Czech painters. The behaviour of the Slovak business elites of rural origin and from smaller towns was influenced by various stimuli (the example of contemporary cities, the way of life and behavioural strategy of the nobility, foreign influence, and the wish to obtain noble status), and they obtained a civic character only gradually. The most important Slovak family banking and business house was created by members of the Makovický family. The Makovický family financially supported the national movement and all the Slovak national societies, too. On the other hand, no public activity, according to the Makovický family, could produce a loss. It was unclear where ethical idealism and material altruism began and ended.One part of the current text explores the original business philosophies of two prominent individuals who are often associated with the families: Slovak Ján Pálka (a member of the tanning dynasty) and the famous world-class Moravian manufacturer Tomáš Baťa. Although they were both involved in leather processing, their environments were characterised by different cultures, traditions and opportunities. Jan Pálka drew on various socio-philosophical and Utopian sources and relied on idealistic principles. In the spirit of economic nationalism, he strove to incentivise his workers to increase production efficiency by sharing the ownership of his factory and its profits in his own and the national collective interest. He went bankrupt and was, along with his theoretical model, relegated to the role of an admired visionary. In contrast, Tomáš Baťa was inspired by the American experience and the ideological impulses of Italian fascism. Even by 1914, he had pragmatically abandoned the use of all tools of economic nationalism and attempted to get as many state commissions as possible. The continuity of many similar businesses and their representatives was either disrupted by the totalitarian decisions of the powerful during World War II or shortly after at the hands of the Communists.

Slovak
Nationalism
Sociology
Political science
Czech
Law
Philosophy


Contemporary Europe in the Historical Imagination ed. by Darcy Buerkle and Skye Doney (review)


THE ROLE OF DMYTRO MYRON («ORLYK») IN THE UKRAINIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT DURING WORLD WAR II

The main aspects of the activities of one of the leaders of the Ukrainian liberation movement Dmytro Myron in 1939–1942 are analyzed. The beginning of his political way and participation in the interwar struggle for the independence of Ukraine is reflected. The position of D. Myron in the nationalist environment on the eve of the Second World War has been clarified. The main aspects of the book «Idea and Activity of Ukraine» are analyzed. Myron’s theoretical views on the problem of the state system in independent Ukraine are revealed. The vision of democracy by the figure is illuminated. The critical attitude of the OUN ideologist to the blind imitation of Nazi Germany is researched. The point of view of D. Myron on the differences between Ukrainian nationalism, German nazism, and Italian fascism is revealed. His ideas on uniting the enslaved nation are characterized. The view of the theoretician of nationalism on the place of Ukraine in the international arena as an independent entity is analyzed. The role of D. Myron in the formation of the revolutionary OUN in 1940–1941 is researched. The main aspects of his activity as a conductor of the OUN(r) in the sub-Soviet lands of Ukraine are characterized. D. Myron’s measures to prepare a national revolution by expanding the nationalist network, consolidating patriotic forces, and preparing a liberation rebellion are analyzed. The participation of D. Myron in an attempt to create the state of the OUN(r) in 1941 is revealed. The underground work of D. Myron as the first conductor of the OUN(r) in the middleeastern lands is characterized. The features of the activist’s approach to the development of the nationalist network in the Dnieper Ukraine are researched. Based on the memoirs of subordinates, leadership and personal aspects of activity of D. Myron are characterized. The participation of the figure in the first and second conferences of the OUN (r) 1941–1942 is highlighted. The circumstances of the death of D. Myron are revealed. The values of the ideological legacy of the figure for the nationalist underground are analyzed. D. Myron’s important contribution to the development of the Ukrainian liberation movement was stated. Keywords Dmytro Myron, ukrainian nationalist movement, OUN ideology, II World War, revolutionary OUN, national revolution.

Nationalism
Nazism
Ukrainian
Independence (probability theory)
Politics
Nationalist Movement
World War II
Political science
State (computer science)
Democracy
Sociology
Law
Philosophy


Language Images of Modern Statehood. Emancipatory Rhetoric and Sovereign Politics

The Turn - Zeitschrift fuer islamische Philosophie Theologie und Mystik

Epistemology
Meaning (existential)
Politics
Sociology
Sovereignty
Disenchantment
Power (physics)
Aesthetics
Philosophy
Law
Political science


No Barrier Can Contain It: Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War by Ariel Mae Lambe

Dictatorship
Politics
Spanish Civil War
Context (archaeology)
Nationalism
Constitution
Ancient history
Law
Economic history
History
Sociology
Political science
Democracy
Archaeology


Hermann Broch and Mass Hysteria: Theory and Representation in the Age of Extremes by Brett E. Sterling (review)

Representation (politics)
History
Art history
Law
Politics
Political science


1922 — the best year of the Comintern. Soviet Russia, German communists and the Genoa conference

The signing of the Declaration on the formation of the Soviet Union on December 30, 1922 marked a new stage in the history of international relations, and, at the same time, took stock of intense domestic and international political struggle unfolding in the previous years. The developments within the Communist International were of particular importance for both the outcomes of this struggle and the future of international labor movement. The author stresses that for the Comintern the year of 1922 was dominated by a struggle between the two opposing ideological and political trends: the inertia of the ‘storm and onslaught’ enthusiasm of the first post-revolutionary years and the rise of the ideas of peaceful coexistence. In this context, the paper assesses the role that the Bolshevik leaders envisaged for the Comintern during the preparation and conduct of the Genoa Conference and, particularly, for the policy of the united workers front. The author shows that the very idea of cooperation with socialists and social democrats received an extremely ambiguous reaction from representatives of Western communist parties. In this regard, the position of the German Communist Party (KPD) was of particular importance to the Bolshevik leaders. Indeed, the case of KPD was emblematic of those tendencies and contradictions that marked the development of the international communist movement in the period under review. The KPD leaders welcomed the Comintern’s turn towards a united workers front. However, the author notes that this support was based on a highly unstable compromise between multiple contradicting domestic and foreign policy imperatives, including opposition from the left-wing radicals within the party and continuous conflict with the government of the Weimar Republic, exacerbated by ideological and financial dependence on Moscow. As a result, the KPD’s actions were very often ad hoc and inconsistent, reflecting general issues typical to the international labor movement of that period. That became clear during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, which took place at the end of 1922. It failed to outline a clear strategy for interaction between the Russian Bolsheviks and foreign communists. At the same time, the outcomes of the Fourth Congress were crucial for further evolution of the ideology and practical activities of the Comintern. The policy of the united workers front got a broader definition as the Communist International started to recognize the threat posed by fascism.

Communism
Political science
Politics
United front
Enthusiasm
German
Political economy
International relations
Compromise
Foreign policy
Law
Economic history
Sociology
History


The Journal of Prisoners on Prisons in an Age of Disruption

O bserving the rapid rise in digital technologies and automation, along with their devastating impacts on our ability to make sense of the world and our place in it, the late French philosopher Bernard Stiegler (2019) argued that we live in an "age of disruption" that is disorienting and disempowering.While his principal concern was the disruptive impact of the rise and further entrenchment of "computational capitalism", the last few years have featured other kinds of disruptions brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic, extreme heat, fl oods, and natural disasters that are increasing in severity in this time of climate catastrophe, wars, and other calamities plaguing contemporary times.From my vantage point, albeit an extremely privileged one, I do not recall another period in my forty-year lifetime where one local and/or global disruption so quickly gives way to the next with little to no control over what happens thereafter and little to no time to catch our collective breath.In this fast-moving moment, there is widespread insecurity, but also signifi cant possibilities for change.Where we will land amid all these critical "turning points" (Mathiesen, 2008, p. 62) is unknown.Will we "change everything", to borrow the words of geographer and prison abolitionist Ruth Wilson Gilmore (2022), by building a world capable of sustaining life and allowing it to fl ourish through robust supports for people and communities?Or will we simply "build back better", as United States President Joe Biden (White House, 2021) and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau (Department of Finance Canada, 2020) have urged, which simply doubles down investments in a way of life where crisis is a defi ning feature (see Maier et al., 2021)?Or worse, shall fascism gain an even greater footing than it already has (see Burley, 2017)?The answers will be forged through struggle and our shared future, returning to the insights of Bernard Stiegler (2019), demands eff orts to build collective power that meets our material means and gives renewed meaning to life.What we need, building on the words of OmiSoore Dryden (2022), are "decolonial [and decarceral] disruptions".

Criminology
Psychology
Political science
Law


West of Tirgu-Frumos: combat routine of the 7th Guards Army in Romania (June-August 1944)

Proceedings of the Southwest State University Series History and Law

The relevance of the research topic is determined by the need to resist the increasing attempts to falsify the history of the Great Patriotic War. The liberation of Europe by the Red Army from fascism began in March 1944 in Romania. By mid-June, active hostilities gave way to positional defense, which continued at the beginning of the Iasi-Kishinev operation. This period is almost not covered in the research literature, meanwhile, it was at this time that Soviet troops, in the course of small and local, but frequent and successful clashes, exhausted the enemy and lowered their morale, which played a role in the future. The purpose of the study is to establish the content and determine the nature of the combat operations of the 7th Guards. armies of the 2nd Ukrainian Front in the period June 6 – August 19, 1944. Objectives: to identify the main parameters characterizing the defense of the enemy and the 7th Guards army, compare the progress and results of combat operations of Romanian and Soviet units. Methodology. The research was based on the principles of objectivity, historicism and consistency. The author used a complex of general scientific and special historical methods in his work: analytical, critical, problem-chronological, retrospective. Results. It was established that the enemy’s defense in the area west of the city of Tirgu-Frumos relied on a powerful fortified area. Romanian troops during this period behaved passively, their rare reconnaissance actions usually did not achieve success and were defeated. At the same time, troops of the 7th Guards. The armies not only actively strengthened their defenses, but also conducted effective reconnaissance, inflicting significant damage on the enemy. Conclusions. A study of documentary archival materials shows that the results of combat operations of units of the 7th Guards should not be underestimated. army during the period of positional defense from June to August 1944. Soviet troops exhausted the enemy, causing him significant material and moral damage, which reduced the combat effectiveness of the Romanian units in anticipation of the decisive offensive of the Red Army.

Adversary
Romanian
Ukrainian
Objectivity (philosophy)
Law
Military history
Political science
Historicism
Period (music)
Spanish Civil War
History
Operations research
Economic history
Engineering
Computer science
Computer security


Top secret report of E. M. Yaroslavsky to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on official journey to Siberia in November–December 1942

Russian State University for the Humanities

This paper is a source study of the previously unpublished top secret report prepared by the famous Soviet party-statesman E. M. Yaroslavsky on the results of his last working trip to Siberia in November-December 1942. M. Yaroslavsky on the results of his last working trip to Siberia in November-December 1942. The content specificity of the document implied familiarization with it only by the top leadership of the USSR. The published source, which is in permanent storage at the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History (RGASPI), makes it possible to highlight a number of important points. First of all, these are the forms and methods of organizational and managerial work of the central government in relation to the Ural-Siberian rear at the stage of a fundamental turning point in the Great Patriotic War. The basis of the content of the published report makes a significant emphasis on the problems of the functioning of defense-industrial enterprises, the arrangement of the social block and everyday life of the inhabitants of the region, which ensured the fulfillment of strategic tasks for the state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the content features of the published source in the context of the concrete-historical situation of its appearance. The theoretical basis of the work is represented by a combination of anthropological approach, the principle of systematicity, source and biographical methods. This methodological combination allowed us to study the published document within the framework of the peculiarities of the Stalinist era and the Great Patriotic War period, taking into account its authorship. At the same time, the cited source is interpreted, among other things, as a product of the functioning of the Soviet administrative system. E. M. Yaroslavsky's report on the everyday life of the home front on his trip to Siberia is also very valuable from the perspective of local history. It covers several major centers of defense-industrial production and resource-mining capacities of that period. According to the publishers, the document is a vivid testimony of the Party's mass-political work aimed at the total mobilization of Soviet society to fight fascism. As emphasized in the work, such activities, in which E. M. Yaroslavsky took an effective part, became one of the guarantees of the victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War. The work may be of interest to researchers studying the Great Patriotic War, the Siberian rear and military everyday life, social and political activities of E. M. Yaroslavsky, as well as the role of ideology and mass-political work in the Soviet society of the Stalinist era.

Communism
Political science
Soviet union
Law
Economic history
History
Politics


The memory of war: the source study potential of periodicals published in large editions (by the example of Penza regional periodicals of the late 1980s – early 1990s)

University proceedings Volga region Humanities

Background. The relevance of developing the issue is determined by the need to preserve the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War and memorialization practices through local media. The purpose of the study is to analyze the source potential of factory periodicals – multi-circulation periodicals during the period of sociocultural transformation in the USSR in the 1980s – early 1990s. Materials and methods. The corpus of sources that reflected the process of institutionalization of memorial policy in Soviet society of the post-war era was formed from materials that are currently unclaimed in regional historiography – multi-circulation publications of large industrial enterprises in Penza. At the same time, fac-tory media of the late USSR, due to their specificity – the localization of memorial practic-es within the enterprise team – act as a clear projection of the changes that were taking place. The means of interpreting the results obtained are correlated with the methods of one of the most popular areas in historical science today – “memory studies”, which compre-hend the past through the study of memorial culture and memorial policy. Results. The pos-sibilities of using multi-circulation periodicals of two Penza enterprises as a source for studying methods of presenting information and content components of the image of the Great Patriotic War in the period of the 1980s – early 1990s are considered. A selection of multi-circulation issues dedicated to memorable dates was carried out: May 9 and June 22. The means of presenting information and changing the content of the image of the Great Patriotic War throughout the 1980s and early 1990s are described. Conclusions. In the mid-1960s – 1970s, a certain algorithm for honoring the anniversaries of the Victory of the So-viet people in the Great Patriotic War, as well as a frame of collective memories agreed up-on by party structures, developed in the periodical press. An obligatory element was the mobilization of society to solve national economic problems. At the same time, in the early 1980s the image of Victory is being recoded: the impersonal idea of the victory of socialism and progress over fascism and obscurantism gradually gave way to the image of everyday heroic resistance to the aggressor and the war in general in the rear and at the front. This was largely the result of a change in generations of keepers of the memory of the Great Pat-riotic War, as well as the publication of memoirs of front-line soldiers – enterprise workers in multi-circulation factory issues that complemented the image of Victory with personal experiences.

Regional science
History
Economic geography
Geography


Critical Theory and ideology critique, the weapons of Marx to expose material reality as mystified unreality of the authoritarian and populist moment

Authoritarianism
Populism
Austerity
Ideology
Political economy
Politics
Disinformation
Power (physics)
Capitalism
Nationalism
Impossibility
Sociology
Political science
Law
Democracy


A Study on the Criticism of Han Fei Tzu's Governance Philosophy and Modern Re-examination

Criticism
Corporate governance
Philosophy
Political science
Management
Law
Economics


Religious Freedom as a Political Technology

The Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Sciences

The principles of freedom of conscience and of non-discrimination on religious and national grounds, forming the basis of international declarations and constitutions of most states of the world, have become a great historical achievement of mankind. However, at a certain stage, the freedom of conscience became a political tool. This was caused by the desire of Western governments, mainly the United States, to create their own democracy canon that could be introduced into other societies and states, making them open to American interests. The religious factor has acquired a great political signifi cance both in regional and global confl icts, and in the struggle between neoliberal anti-traditionalism and identism, which protects the right of nations, cultures and conservative religions to preserve their identity, instead of transforming along with the pattern of left-liberal elites, LGBT communities, feminists and environmentalists. Neoliberalism, or anti-traditionalism, eagerly brands any declaration of civilizational identity as “xenophobia” and “fascism”. Religion has become one of the main fi elds, where the struggle between identity and anti-traditionalism or “liberal democracy” takes place. The article highlights several areas, where the religious freedom is used as a technology in real politics. The fi rst one is the democratization of legislation in individual countries and the adjustment of its provisions related to the freedom of conscience, the status of religious associations and the regulation of their activity. The second one is the shaping of public opinion and the formation of public interest organizations that promote the principles of religious freedom and act in line with the neoliberal understanding of democracy and the norms of political correctness. The third one is interreligious round tables and trainings with the participation of public off icials, religious leaders and public associations, which is something other than just an interreligious dialogue. They “equalize” Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Catholics, and Protestants in the public fi eld. The principles of religious freedom that the society and the state need in the context of Western anti-traditionalism have become their opposite. Pluralism and religious diversity started to be used as the primary target, since they both most closely corresponded to the demands of American liberal democracy and world anti-identity. The current religious freedom turned out to be far from the tolerance of the Peace of Westphalia. Instead of peaceful coexistence, the new concept of the freedom of conscience, on the contrary, often suggests the oppression of dominant churches and traditions.

Politics
Conscience
Democracy
Political science
Xenophobia
Sociology
Legislation
Political economy
Religious identity
Law


Reflection of the Problems of Interethnic Relations in the Russian Media

Institute for Demographic Research, Federal Research Sociological Center, Russian Academy of Sciences

EURASIAN INTEGRATION economics law politics

The article is an attempt to comprehend the current publications of the Russian media space in the context of various aspects of national and ethnic identity, harmonization of interethnic relations. The authors consider the images of external labor migrants constructed by the media (hereinafter referred to as the media), and the negative attitudes that have developed in society towards them. Aim . The aim of the article is to show the problems of objectivity in the presentation of information about interethnic relations in the Russian media, to determine how publications in the media form the level of tolerance in society, and also to identify the role of the media space in countering the spread of xenophobia, nationalism and neo-fascism. Tasks . To achieve this goal, the article solves several key tasks: the concept of “interethnic relations” is analyzed, the factors determining their state and conflict potential are identified, the mechanism of discursive construction of interethnic relations is revealed, differences in approaches to covering interethnic conflicts in various Russian print and electronic publications are shown. Methods . The methodological basis of the work was the scientific methods of comparative system analysis, aimed at a comprehensive study of the media as a mechanism for regulating interethnic relations. The main method was content analysis of texts of print and electronic federal and regional media, articles, messages, Internet editions, bloggers’ comments, messages on social networks and text messages from various sources reflecting the problems of interethnic relations. Intent analysis of publications made it possible to determine a set of lexemes, the purpose of which is to create a negative image of the subject of the story. Results . Based on the results of the content analysis, the main substantive and evaluative characteristics of interethnic relations in society, the contradictions in the formation of the image of external migrants present in the modern media space and a description of possible interaction strategies that Russian society is ready for at present were identified. The mechanism of discursive construction in the form of texts that provoke emotional perception of external migration over texts that contribute to its rational comprehension has been determined. Conclusions . The analysis showed the weak role of the media in reflecting the problems of interethnic relations. Functionally, the activities of the media are aimed at ensuring interethnic harmony and regulating interethnic relations, however, to a greater extent, negative rhetoric towards foreign migrants prevails in the Russian media, which increases the level of migrant phobia among the population.

Xenophobia
Sociology
Objectivity (philosophy)
Ethnic group
Electronic media
Context (archaeology)
Political science
Public relations
Media studies
Gender studies
Epistemology
Law
Racism
History


Nation-State, Empire, and Historiography – Focusing on Wang Hui"s “Asia is the World” –

Korean Studies of Modern Chinese History

Empire
Modernity
Historiography
Capitalism
Nation state
State (computer science)
China
Nationalism
History
Sociology
Political economy
Economic history
Political science
Law
Ancient history
Politics


Young Ambassadors of the Fascist Empire: Voices of Italian Children Abroad in the Magazine <i>Il Tamburino</i>

Empire
Art
Psychology
Media studies
Political science
Sociology
History
Ancient history


Augusto Del Noce and Eric Voegelin on the<i>eidos</i>of History: A Comparative Analysis

Department of Political Science and Sociology, University of Trieste, Piazzale Europa, 1, 34127 Trieste TS, Italy

Modernity
Politics
Philosophy
Interpretation (philosophy)
Order (exchange)
Humanities
Religious studies
Epistemology
Law


On “Savage Thought”: Gabriele D’Annunzio, Guido Boggiani, and Italy’s Transatlantic Mediterranean Empire

University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas, USA

Empire
Poetics
Art
Poetry
Literature
History
Art history
Ancient history


Anti-liberalism, Civil War and dictatorship: Carl Schmitt and his intellectual influence on the Francoist ideologists (1939–1942)

Faculty of Social Sciences, Universität Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany

Dictatorship
Liberalism
Spanish Civil War
Philosophy
Law
Political science
Politics
Democracy